Outdoor Lighting and Crime - Amper
Outdoor Lighting and Crime - Amper
Outdoor Lighting and Crime - Amper
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lit more brightly <strong>and</strong> extensively than are suburbs, <strong>and</strong> rural areas are dimmer again.<br />
Artificial skyglow diminishes with increasing distance from urban centres. There is an<br />
apparent positive spatial correlation between lighting <strong>and</strong> crime rate. The population <strong>and</strong><br />
crime data sets are again massive. Given the connection between darkness <strong>and</strong> low crime<br />
mentioned in the preceding section, the spatial evidence suggests that lighting has some<br />
positive causal role in the crime rate, independently of population.<br />
These positive spatial correlations, together with the positive temporal correlations between<br />
lighting <strong>and</strong> crime rates in historical growth <strong>and</strong> during power disruptions at night, are<br />
consistent. The occurrence of substantial proportions of crime in daylight is further evidence<br />
against any effective inhibition of crime by brighter lighting, the negative correlation long<br />
assumed <strong>and</strong> asserted by Situational <strong>Crime</strong> Prevention practitioners in general.<br />
Experiments claimed to demonstrate a negative effect of lighting on crime typically appear<br />
sufficiently flawed for the evidence to be considered unreliable. Furthermore, the collective<br />
data sets involved in these experiments have relatively limited temporal, spatial <strong>and</strong> numerical<br />
ranges. In comparison, the data sets used in the present study cover populations from<br />
hundreds to many millions, the crime data are often national totals, <strong>and</strong> time data range from<br />
less than hours to over a century. The evidence about lighting includes industry literature <strong>and</strong><br />
st<strong>and</strong>ards, published photometric data for places, general experience of lighting including<br />
airborne views, extensive anecdotal <strong>and</strong> personal evidence about reduced visibility of celestial<br />
objects, numerous published photographs of skyglow ‘domes’ above cities <strong>and</strong> towns, <strong>and</strong><br />
satellite-derived global maps of upward light emissions. Whatever observational or residual<br />
experimental evidence there is or might be for a non-zero inhibiting effect of lighting on<br />
crime, it appears to be greatly outweighed by the collective evidence for the opposite effect.<br />
9.7 THE LIGHTING, COMMERCE AND CRIME HYPOTHESIS<br />
Interactive causality is hypothesised between outdoor lighting, commerce <strong>and</strong> crime in<br />
accordance with the balance of available evidence. Increased outdoor ambient light is used<br />
proactively in commerce to attract customers at night. Success increases turnover <strong>and</strong> profits,<br />
allowing increases in goods, services <strong>and</strong> facilities in day operations as well as at night. More<br />
people, more goods, more money <strong>and</strong> extended business hours increase the opportunity <strong>and</strong><br />
motivation for crime. This allows lighting to lead indirectly to increased crime. Increased<br />
outdoor ambient light is also used proactively to try to deter crime <strong>and</strong> reduce fear of crime,<br />
<strong>and</strong> reactively to try to reduce further crime <strong>and</strong> fear of crime. <strong>Crime</strong> can therefore lead to<br />
increased lighting. <strong>Crime</strong> <strong>and</strong> commerce likewise interact. <strong>Outdoor</strong> lighting, commerce <strong>and</strong><br />
crime are therefore hypothesised as interacting repetitively in a six-way causal relationship.<br />
The observed net positive correlations indicate the major effect to be lighting indirectly<br />
leading to day <strong>and</strong> night crime. Any net direct effects would only affect crime at night <strong>and</strong><br />
appear to be small.<br />
It seems reasonable to expect that outdoor lighting only allows the crime rate to increase<br />
towards the limiting total value that would be set by the applicable social factors in conditions<br />
where all-night lighting approached daylight levels.<br />
The total amount of outdoor lighting includes that in operation for purposes such as traffic<br />
<strong>and</strong> mobility safety, advertising, decorative purposes <strong>and</strong> so on. <strong>Lighting</strong> installed as a<br />
supposed deterrent or reaction to crime appears to be a minor part of the total <strong>and</strong> unlikely to<br />
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