Outdoor Lighting and Crime - Amper
Outdoor Lighting and Crime - Amper
Outdoor Lighting and Crime - Amper
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affordability of domestic outdoor lighting for employees <strong>and</strong> in the number of employees who<br />
might consider installing such lighting. Thus there is a bi-directionally causal relationship<br />
between commerce <strong>and</strong> lighting. A similar relationship seems likely for commerce <strong>and</strong><br />
crime: increased commerce would appear to motivate criminals <strong>and</strong> increase the opportunities<br />
for crime, while crime would appear to inhibit commerce. <strong>Lighting</strong>, commerce <strong>and</strong> crime<br />
therefore appear to be related causally in most or all of the six possible directions between<br />
pairs. On the evidence presented in this document, there is observational support for the<br />
notion that lighting is a cause of crime, regardless of whether this comes about largely<br />
through intermediate interactions with commerce or some other mechanisms.<br />
As a means of increasing commerce, outdoor lighting also seems to be an important<br />
contributory factor in the processes of urbanisation, urban intensification, urban utilisation<br />
<strong>and</strong> urban sprawl, thereby possibly further accentuating growth in the crime rate. This is not<br />
in conflict with the existing view that urbanisation “in any country generally begins when<br />
large-scale commerce takes root <strong>and</strong> most new jobs are to be found in the factories <strong>and</strong><br />
financial centers in cities” (NASA 2000).<br />
The six possible interactions are indicated in Table 2, along with effects <strong>and</strong> reasons that<br />
appear to be important. The sign of an effect within an interaction is given as positive when<br />
an increase in the causative variable produces an increase in the dependent variable.<br />
Conversely, a negative sign indicates that the affected variable would decrease. Apparently<br />
strong effects are indicated notionally in Table 2 by two or more signs. Two signs do not<br />
necessarily imply twice the effect of one sign, but just a heuristic estimate that the effect is<br />
generally stronger. In due course it may be possible to quantify the strength of interactions in<br />
particular examples, eg as partial correlation coefficients <strong>and</strong> their positive <strong>and</strong> negative<br />
constituents.<br />
The entry marked * in the ‘Reasons’ column of Table 2 is the converse of imposed darkness<br />
inhibiting crime, which is clearly causal from observations. It is strong evidence against the<br />
notion that crime <strong>and</strong> lighting are unconnected quantities merely growing concurrently<br />
because of separate reliance on economic conditions.<br />
Here is a concise statement of the new hypothesis:<br />
<strong>Outdoor</strong> artificial light, commerce <strong>and</strong> crime are causally interactive in all six<br />
possible directions. The sign of effects in each interaction can be positive or<br />
negative, or a mixture of both. Light leads commerce <strong>and</strong> commerce leads crime as<br />
dominant overall effects. Light may lead or lag crime. The net overall effect is for<br />
light to lead crime.<br />
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