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Outdoor Lighting and Crime - Amper

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affordability of domestic outdoor lighting for employees <strong>and</strong> in the number of employees who<br />

might consider installing such lighting. Thus there is a bi-directionally causal relationship<br />

between commerce <strong>and</strong> lighting. A similar relationship seems likely for commerce <strong>and</strong><br />

crime: increased commerce would appear to motivate criminals <strong>and</strong> increase the opportunities<br />

for crime, while crime would appear to inhibit commerce. <strong>Lighting</strong>, commerce <strong>and</strong> crime<br />

therefore appear to be related causally in most or all of the six possible directions between<br />

pairs. On the evidence presented in this document, there is observational support for the<br />

notion that lighting is a cause of crime, regardless of whether this comes about largely<br />

through intermediate interactions with commerce or some other mechanisms.<br />

As a means of increasing commerce, outdoor lighting also seems to be an important<br />

contributory factor in the processes of urbanisation, urban intensification, urban utilisation<br />

<strong>and</strong> urban sprawl, thereby possibly further accentuating growth in the crime rate. This is not<br />

in conflict with the existing view that urbanisation “in any country generally begins when<br />

large-scale commerce takes root <strong>and</strong> most new jobs are to be found in the factories <strong>and</strong><br />

financial centers in cities” (NASA 2000).<br />

The six possible interactions are indicated in Table 2, along with effects <strong>and</strong> reasons that<br />

appear to be important. The sign of an effect within an interaction is given as positive when<br />

an increase in the causative variable produces an increase in the dependent variable.<br />

Conversely, a negative sign indicates that the affected variable would decrease. Apparently<br />

strong effects are indicated notionally in Table 2 by two or more signs. Two signs do not<br />

necessarily imply twice the effect of one sign, but just a heuristic estimate that the effect is<br />

generally stronger. In due course it may be possible to quantify the strength of interactions in<br />

particular examples, eg as partial correlation coefficients <strong>and</strong> their positive <strong>and</strong> negative<br />

constituents.<br />

The entry marked * in the ‘Reasons’ column of Table 2 is the converse of imposed darkness<br />

inhibiting crime, which is clearly causal from observations. It is strong evidence against the<br />

notion that crime <strong>and</strong> lighting are unconnected quantities merely growing concurrently<br />

because of separate reliance on economic conditions.<br />

Here is a concise statement of the new hypothesis:<br />

<strong>Outdoor</strong> artificial light, commerce <strong>and</strong> crime are causally interactive in all six<br />

possible directions. The sign of effects in each interaction can be positive or<br />

negative, or a mixture of both. Light leads commerce <strong>and</strong> commerce leads crime as<br />

dominant overall effects. Light may lead or lag crime. The net overall effect is for<br />

light to lead crime.<br />

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