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Outdoor Lighting and Crime - Amper

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objectionably large reduction, particularly if the data in Figure 9 are in a range where the<br />

underlying curve is descending relatively steeply.<br />

5.5 MISCELLANEOUS ASPECTS OF OUTDOOR LIGHTING AND<br />

CRIME<br />

5.5.1 Baltimore studies<br />

As with many other large cities in the US <strong>and</strong> elsewhere, artificial skyglow above Baltimore<br />

is severe: only the 20 brightest stars are now visible to the unaided eye on any given night,<br />

which is just 0.7% of the 2700 that would be visible naturally (Task Force 2002). This<br />

problem is growing, partly because of continuing urban sprawl. Ironically, this sprawl has<br />

been monitored recently using upward light emissions measured by satellite (NASA 2002).<br />

The city is of interest here because it has the third highest UCR crime rate <strong>and</strong> the worst<br />

Morgan Quitno ranking (312 out of 315) of the 21 US cities in Table 5, despite the very large<br />

sums spent on urban renewal in Baltimore since the 1970s.<br />

Baltimore st<strong>and</strong>s out particularly on Figure 10, where it has the highest crime score. The<br />

satellite light energy loss value is not unusually large, judged against the other cities in the US<br />

data set. If excessive light is indeed the problem or a substantial part of it, the position of the<br />

Baltimore data point on the horizontal scales of Figures 7, 9 <strong>and</strong> especially 10, is too far to the<br />

left for the amount of crime experienced. This anomaly could be a result of the city being<br />

brightly lit in the high crime areas <strong>and</strong> quite moderately lit in the larger remaining areas.<br />

Furthermore, if many well-shielded luminaires are in use, the shielding would certainly not be<br />

a pro-crime problem in itself but it would reduce the satellite data value relative to the amount<br />

of light at the ground.<br />

The continuing high crime problem in Baltimore led Schumacher <strong>and</strong> Leitner (1999) to study<br />

displacement of crime (burglary) from parts of the renewed areas. Increased numbers of<br />

security personnel in these areas appeared to have encouraged the displacement. Overall,<br />

outdoor lighting increases undoubtedly played a part in attracting people into the city, where<br />

the combination of more potential victims <strong>and</strong> the increased prosperity of the area must have<br />

increased the opportunity <strong>and</strong> motivation for crime. Despite the weakness of the case for<br />

increased lighting reducing crime, Schumacher <strong>and</strong> Leitner only cited references claiming this<br />

case <strong>and</strong> did not mention any doubts or contrary views. Their paper contains no information<br />

on how their computer model weighted any of the following: increased presence of security<br />

personnel, ‘improved’ street lighting <strong>and</strong> increased numbers of pedestrians <strong>and</strong> byst<strong>and</strong>ers<br />

providing increased casual surveillance <strong>and</strong> increased opportunity for crime. It is suggested<br />

that this <strong>and</strong> similar models should be run with increased lighting set to increase crime. Such<br />

models may be useful in investigating delays between lighting increases <strong>and</strong> hypothesised<br />

consequent increases in crime.<br />

5.5.2 Displacement <strong>and</strong> diffusion<br />

Displacement of crime or diffusion of crime reduction benefit to surrounding areas is<br />

sometimes reported as a direct spatial effect of the treatment in studies of outdoor lighting<br />

changes <strong>and</strong> crime. As displacement, no effect <strong>and</strong> diffusion between them appear to cover<br />

all possible outcomes in nearby areas, they could be rationalisations of the whole gamut of<br />

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