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Graham R (Ed.) - Anarchism - A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas Volume One - From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939)

Graham R (Ed.) - Anarchism - A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas Volume One - From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939)

Graham R (Ed.) - Anarchism - A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas Volume One - From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939)

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418/ ANARCHISM<br />

regulate its own affairs by mutual agreement with all the other economic, regional or<br />

national associations.<br />

VII. For the identical reason, revolutionary syndicalism fights against militarism<br />

in all <strong>of</strong> its forms and considers anti-militarist propaganda one <strong>of</strong> its most important<br />

tasks in the struggle against the existing system. In fu rtherance <strong>of</strong> that goal, above<br />

all, are the refusal <strong>to</strong> participate in state military service, and the organized refusal <strong>of</strong><br />

the workers <strong>to</strong> produce military equipment.<br />

VIII. Revolutionary syndicalism stands on the footing <strong>of</strong> direct action and supports<br />

all struggles <strong>of</strong> the people that are not in contradiction <strong>to</strong> its goal <strong>of</strong> abolishing<br />

economic monopolies and state despotism. It endorses strikes, boycotts, sabotage,<br />

and so on, as its weapons. Direct action reaches its highest expression in the social<br />

general strike, which syndicalists at the same time envisage as the prelude <strong>to</strong> the social<br />

revolution.<br />

IX. While syndicalists are opposed <strong>to</strong> all organized violence in the hands <strong>of</strong> any<br />

revolutionary government, they do not fa il <strong>to</strong> realize that the decisive struggles between<br />

the capitalism <strong>of</strong> <strong>to</strong>day and the free communism <strong>of</strong><strong>to</strong>morrow will not be without<br />

conflict. Consequently, they recognize violence as a means <strong>of</strong> defence against the<br />

violent methods <strong>of</strong> the ruling classes during the struggle fo r the possession <strong>of</strong> the<br />

fa c<strong>to</strong>ries and the fields by the revolutionary people. Just as the expropriation <strong>of</strong> the<br />

fa c<strong>to</strong>ries and the fields in practice can only be carried out and channelled along the<br />

path <strong>of</strong> social reorganization by the workers' revolutionary economic organizations,<br />

so must also the defence <strong>of</strong> the revolution be the task <strong>of</strong> the masses themselves and<br />

their economic organizations, and not <strong>of</strong> a particular military body, or any other organization,<br />

outside <strong>of</strong> the economic associations.<br />

X. Only in the revolutionary economic organizations <strong>of</strong> the working class is<br />

fo und the means <strong>of</strong> its liberation, and the creative energy fo r the reconstruction <strong>of</strong><br />

society on the path <strong>of</strong>libertarian communism. (Further reading: Wayne Thorpe, "The<br />

Workers Themselves": Revolutionary Syndicalism and International Labour, 1913-1923,<br />

Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1989).<br />

1 15. The Platform and its Critics (1926-27)<br />

The Organizational Platfo rm <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Libertarian</strong> Communists was a document published<br />

il1 1926 by a group <strong>of</strong> exiled Russian anarchists, including Nes<strong>to</strong>r Makhno (Selection 85), Peter<br />

Arshinov (Selection 86), and Ida Mett, author <strong>of</strong> The Kronstadt Uprising (Montreal:<br />

Black Rose, 1971; originally published 1938). The stated purpose <strong>of</strong> the Platform was <strong>to</strong> draw<br />

the lessons from the fa ilure <strong>of</strong> anarchism in the Russian Revolution, and <strong>to</strong> provide an organi-

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