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Graham R (Ed.) - Anarchism - A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas Volume One - From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939)

Graham R (Ed.) - Anarchism - A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas Volume One - From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939)

Graham R (Ed.) - Anarchism - A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas Volume One - From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939)

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64 / ANARCHISM<br />

I, who back down before no consequence, say: Man ;s sovereign , that is my principle;<br />

power is tile negation <strong>of</strong> llis sovereignty, this is my revolutionary justification; I must<br />

destroy tllal power, this is my goal. Thus I know from where I start and where I am<br />

bound and I do not falter.<br />

Let me continue. Am I sovereign Then I am free. But sovereignty does not consist<br />

solely <strong>of</strong> my intellect; when do I exercise it positively Only when I cease in my<br />

obedience <strong>to</strong> every subjective influence and order all <strong>of</strong> my actions in accordance<br />

with the determinations <strong>of</strong> reason. Is my freedom anything other than this, my actions'<br />

independence <strong>of</strong> all external determinants<br />

Let me press on with my observations: my sovereignty cannot have boundaries,<br />

because the notions <strong>of</strong> sovereignty and boundary are mutually contradictOlY; consequently,<br />

if my freedom is merely my sovereignty exercised, my freedom cannot be<br />

conditional: it is absolute.<br />

But, I answer myself, I do not live in isolation from the rest <strong>of</strong> the species; how,<br />

in the midst <strong>of</strong> my associates, should I hang on <strong>to</strong> the full measure <strong>of</strong> my freedom and<br />

<strong>of</strong> my sovereignty ... My answer is that the absolute, by virtue <strong>of</strong> its being such, is indivisible;<br />

I must not even think <strong>of</strong> partial sacrifices <strong>of</strong> my sovereignty, nor <strong>of</strong> my freedom.<br />

Moreover, fo r what reason could I have joined with my fellows ... Between two<br />

sovereignties in contention, left <strong>to</strong> their own devices, there can be only one arbiter,<br />

might; political society could not have been established with any other purpose than<br />

preventing the violation <strong>of</strong> one <strong>of</strong> the two sovereignties or breaches <strong>of</strong> their contracts,<br />

which is <strong>to</strong> say, the replacement <strong>of</strong> might by right, by the very laws <strong>of</strong> reason,<br />

by sovereignty per se. A society between men, it must be obvious, is scarcely conCeivable<br />

on the basis <strong>of</strong> the moral destruction <strong>of</strong> man. My freedom, consequently, even<br />

within society, is unconditional and irreducible.<br />

Yet was there ever a society that did not set a boundary <strong>to</strong> it To date, no society<br />

has ever been fo unded upon right; they have striven <strong>to</strong> outdo one another with<br />

their irregularity and, forgive the paradox, anti-social characters ...In essence their<br />

forms have not altered their principle and on that basis I persist in condemning as tyrannical<br />

and absurd all fo rms <strong>of</strong> government, or, wllicll amounts <strong>to</strong> tile same tiling, aff societies<br />

as presently constituted ... My conclusion, tllerefore, is tllat eitller society is not society, or, if<br />

it is, it ;s sucll by virtue <strong>of</strong> my consent ....<br />

Tile constitution <strong>of</strong> a society witllOut power is tile ultimate <strong>of</strong> my revolut;onUlY aspirations;<br />

with tllUt final objective ;n mind, I must determine aff manner <strong>of</strong> reforms ...<br />

Power, currently, should be reduced <strong>to</strong> its smallest possible expression. I sllaff<br />

divide and sub-divide power, I sllaff mobilize it and, rest assured, I sllaff destroy it.

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