Graham R (Ed.) - Anarchism - A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas Volume One - From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939)

46 / ANARCHISM
To this day the revolutionary principle has gone no fa rther than to assail only
one or another particular establishment, i.e., be reformatory. Much as may be improved,
strongly as "discreet progress" may be adhered to, always there is only a new master
set in the old one's place, and the overturning is a-building up ...
Under the regime of the commonalty the labourers always fa ll into the hands of
the possessors, of those who have at their disposal some bit of the State domains
(and everything possessible in State domain, belongs to the State, and is only a fief of
the individual), especially money and land; of the capitalists, therefore. The labourer
cannot realize on his labour to the extent of the value that it has fo r the consumer.
"Labour is badly paid!" The capitalist has the greatest profit from it. Well paid, and
1110re than well paid, are only the labours of those who heighten the splendor and dominion
of the State, the labours of high State servants. The State pays well that its
"good citizens," the possessors, may be able to pay badly without danger; it secures
to itself by good payment its servants, out of whom it fo rms a protecting power, a
"police" (to the police belong soldiers, officials of all kinds, e.g., those of justice, education,
etc.-in short. the whole "machinery of the State") fo r the "good citizens,"
and the "good citizens" gladly pay high tax-rates to it in order to pay so much lower
rates to their labourers.
But the class of labourers, because unprotected in what they essentially are (for
they do not enjoy the protection of the State as lahourer", hut ilS its subjects they
have a share in the enjoyment of the police, a so-called protection of the law) , remains
a power hostile to this State, this State of possessors , this "citizen kingship."
Its principle, labour, is not recognized as to its value; it is expioi[ed, a spoii of the possessors,
the enemy.
The labourers have the most enormous power in their hands, and, ifthey once
became thoroughly conscious of it and used it, nothing would withstand them; they
would only have to stop labour, regard the product oflabour as theirs, and enjoy it.
This is the sense of the labour disturbances which show themselves here and there.
The State rests on the-slavelY of labour. If labour becomes ji"ee, the State is lost ...
I secure my freedom with regard to the world in the degree that I make the
world my own, i.e., "gain it and take possession of it" for myself, by whatever might,
by that of persuasion, of petition, of categorical demand, yes, even by hypocrisy,
cheating, etc.; for the means that I use fo r it are determined by what I am. If I am
weak, I have only weak means, like the aforesaid, which yet are good enough fo r a
considerable part of the world. Besides, cheating, hypocrisy, lying, look worse than
they are. Who has not cheated the police, the law Who has not quickly taken on an