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Graham R (Ed.) - Anarchism - A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas Volume One - From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939)

Graham R (Ed.) - Anarchism - A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas Volume One - From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939)

Graham R (Ed.) - Anarchism - A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas Volume One - From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939)

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Origins Of The Anarchist Movement / 75<br />

humanitarian organism <strong>of</strong> which nothing previously could give the idea; similarly,<br />

the resulting governmental apparatus is based in its turn, no longer on some unfathomable<br />

fictional convention, imagined as being fo r the good <strong>of</strong> the republic and<br />

withdrawn as soon as it is posited, but on a genuine contract wherein the sovereignty<br />

<strong>of</strong> the contracting parties, instead <strong>of</strong> being swallowed lip by some central majesty<br />

... serves as a positive guarantee <strong>of</strong>the liberty <strong>of</strong> States, communes and individuals.<br />

So, no longer do we have the abstraction <strong>of</strong> people's sovereignty ... but an<br />

effective sovereignty <strong>of</strong> the labouring masses which rule and govern initially in the<br />

benevolent associations, chambers <strong>of</strong> commerce, craft and trades bodies, and workers'<br />

companies; in the s<strong>to</strong>ck exchanges, the markets, the academies, the schools, agricultural<br />

fa irs and finally in election meetings, parliamentary assemblies and<br />

councils <strong>of</strong> State, in the national guards, and even the churches and temples. It is still<br />

universally the same collective strength that is brought fo rth in the name <strong>of</strong> and by<br />

virtue <strong>of</strong> the principle <strong>of</strong> mutuality: the final affirmation <strong>of</strong> the rights <strong>of</strong> Man and the<br />

Citizen.<br />

I declare here and now that the labouring masses are actually, positively and effectively<br />

sovereign: how could they not be when the economic organism-labour,<br />

capital, property and assets-belongs <strong>to</strong> them entirely; as utter masters <strong>of</strong> the organic<br />

fu nctions, how could they not be all the more emphatically masters <strong>of</strong>the functions<br />

<strong>of</strong> relation Subordination <strong>to</strong> the productive might <strong>of</strong> what was hither<strong>to</strong>, <strong>to</strong> the<br />

exclusion <strong>of</strong> anything else, the Government, the Powers-that-be, the State , is blown<br />

apart by the way in which the political organism is constituted:<br />

a. An ELECTORAL BODY, spontaneously coming <strong>to</strong>gether, laying down policy on<br />

operations and reviewing and sanctioning its own acts;<br />

b. A delegated LEGISLATIVE body or Council <strong>of</strong> State, appointed by the federal<br />

groups and subject <strong>to</strong> re-election;<br />

c. An executive commission selected by the people's representatives from<br />

among their own number, and subject <strong>to</strong> recall;<br />

d. Finally, a chairman fo r that commission, appointed by it and subject <strong>to</strong> recall.<br />

Tell me, is this not the system <strong>of</strong> the old society turned upside down; a system in<br />

which the country is decidedly all; where what once was described as the head <strong>of</strong><br />

State, the sovereign, au<strong>to</strong>crat, monarch, despot, king, emperor, czar, khan, sultan,<br />

majesty, highness, etc., etc., definitively appears as a gentleman, the first among his<br />

fe llow-citizens, perhaps, in terms <strong>of</strong> honorific distinction, but assuredly the least<br />

dangerous <strong>of</strong> all public <strong>of</strong>ficials You may brag this time that the issue <strong>of</strong> political

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