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2000115-Strengthening-Communities-with-Neighborhood-Data

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Advances in Analytic Methods for <strong>Neighborhood</strong> <strong>Data</strong> 353<br />

the paths of previous migrants 7 as a result of information spread <strong>with</strong>in<br />

networks, facilitating mechanisms, assistance, and acceptance of both<br />

migration behavior and the destination (Cadwallader 1992). Although<br />

not directly applicable to the intraurban scale, factors such as information,<br />

social and family networks, and acceptance of a destination among<br />

peers are still important for destination choice (Hedman 2013).<br />

Finally, we must note that aggregate mobility rates per se can affect<br />

the neighborhood, independent of any selective migration that may alter<br />

the neighborhood’s composition. For example, Sampson and colleagues<br />

argue that high mobility rates disrupt social organization and collective<br />

efficacy, thereby affecting community norms and values. They have found<br />

a positive correlation between high turnover rates and criminality levels<br />

in neighborhoods (Sampson and Groves 1989; Sampson et al. 2002).<br />

To sum up this section, research has shown that several dimensions<br />

of the neighborhood affect moving decisions and destination choices<br />

of households, but the ability to put preferences into practice varies<br />

because constraints are more severe for some groups. On the aggregate<br />

level, preferences and constraints produce selective moving patterns and<br />

ultimately produce residential segregation involving neighborhoods of<br />

distinctive demographic characteristics and socioeconomic status. Continued<br />

selective mobility tends to reproduce segregation patterns, but<br />

that result is not a given, as shown by studies of white flight and neighborhood<br />

change, neither does it mean that neighborhoods are static.<br />

The profiles of neighborhoods can sometimes change quickly when outmigration<br />

tipping points are exceeded. And even when their profiles are<br />

not altered, there can be high rates of turnover in even the poorest neighborhoods<br />

(Quillian 2002; Andersson 2008). These dynamic places form<br />

the contexts where neighborhood effects may take place, but extremely<br />

high rates of resident mobility may nullify any effect of context if they<br />

either render individual durations of exposure times insufficient or produce<br />

an inconsistent context to which residents are exposed.<br />

Research Challenges from the Perspective<br />

of the Holistic Model<br />

Thus far we have argued that sufficient empirical evidence exists to suggest<br />

that our holistic approach to neighborhood change, neighborhood<br />

effects, and residential mobility (as embodied in equations 1 to 7) can be

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