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WATERING THE NEIGHBOUR'S GARDEN: THE GROWING - CICRED

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96<br />

E. GRAHAM<br />

range. Hull (1990) takes 106 male births per 100 female births as a<br />

reference point for normality and Johannson and Nygren (1991) suggest<br />

a narrow range of between 105 and 106 as normal, whereas others<br />

prefer a wider band of between 104 and 107 (Lai, 2005). The latter<br />

corresponds roughly to the range found in Europe and North America<br />

where gender discrimination is considered to be minimal. Rates marginally<br />

above 107 may be taken as suggestive of the effects of son<br />

preference but they are not conclusive since the biological basis of sex<br />

ratio variation is as yet poorly understood (Wells, 2000). The difficulties<br />

of deriving a secure standard against which “excess” female mortality<br />

might be judged were discussed by Hill and Upchurch (1995: 129)<br />

in their study of child mortality. They comment, “It is impossible to be<br />

sure that gender-specific discrimination is entirely absent from any<br />

population”. Equally, in the absence of supporting contextual evidence,<br />

it is impossible to be sure that sex ratios at birth slightly above<br />

the conventional limit of ‘normality’ reveal active discrimination against<br />

daughters.<br />

If we assume that sex ratios at birth above 108 are more likely to<br />

be indicative of widespread daughter discrimination, then there are<br />

only four years in the early 1980s when the national sex ratio at birth in<br />

Singapore exceeded that level, although the ratio for the Chinese population<br />

shows a slightly more sustained imbalance. The margin of doubt<br />

is such that supporting evidence is needed before these apparently<br />

abnormal sex ratios can be confidently interpreted. Two questions thus<br />

arise. First, is there evidence of opportunity, as well as motivation,<br />

which could have resulted in an intensification of son-preference<br />

potency at this time? Secondly, is there a competing biological mechanism<br />

that might explain the ‘abnormal’ ratios?<br />

By 1980, the total fertility rate had fallen to 1.74 children per<br />

woman, an historic low plausibly contributing to a heightening in sexselection<br />

pressure. Abortion was available on demand from the mid-<br />

1970s, and the abortion ratio increased rapidly to reach over 40 percent<br />

of live births in the early 1980s. Although the sex ratio at birth also<br />

peaked in the early 1980s, this must be recognized as a continuation of<br />

a trend recorded over the previous decade. However, the timing may<br />

be significant. The introduction of new medical technologies would<br />

have provided at least the possibility of foetal sex-identification and it<br />

is likely that, as sex-selection pressure intensified, some women would<br />

have taken advantage of the opportunity and undergone a sex-selective<br />

abortion. Yet, in the absence of clinical evidence on sex-selective<br />

abortion, there are reasons to doubt that selective foeticide was the<br />

sole, or even perhaps the main, explanation of the excess of male<br />

births beyond the ‘normal’ range.

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