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WATERING THE NEIGHBOUR'S GARDEN: THE GROWING - CICRED

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178<br />

N. ALAM –J. VAN GINNEKEN –A. BOSCH<br />

birth cohorts, but this became less so or ceased completely for children<br />

in the most recent birth cohort (1995-99).<br />

There is a debate on the issue if increases in maternal education<br />

and household economic status are mediating factors that explain the<br />

decreases in the sex differentials in child mortality. Arokiasamy (2004)<br />

reports that women’s education (secondary and above and) and betteroff<br />

households reduce excess female child mortality in India. In contrast,<br />

our results revealed that in Matlab maternal education did not<br />

reduce the sex differential in mortality in either area. This last finding is<br />

consistent with results of earlier studies (Bhuiya and Streatfield, 1991;<br />

Das Gupta, 1987). In addition, household wealth did also not help to<br />

reduce the sex differential in mortality in Matlab.<br />

We found relatively small differences in nutritional status between<br />

boys and girls both in Matlab and in Bangladesh. For example, in a<br />

recent national survey it was found that more girls are undernourished<br />

than boys at ages 24-59 months old, but not at ages 6-23 months. This<br />

finding is consistent with the conclusion of Sommerfelt and Arnold<br />

(1998), who analyzed child nutrition data of 41 surveys from 31 countries<br />

and found relatively small differences between boys and girls in<br />

terms of prevalence of stunting, underweight and wasting. These results<br />

corroborate our finding that the diets of girls and boys differ to<br />

some extent, but not radically.<br />

Although boys and girls are now equally immunized in Bangladesh,<br />

boys may still be favoured to girls with respect to treatment of<br />

major infectious diseases like diarrhoea and ARI–major killer diseases<br />

in the country (BDHS, 2004). The evidence was, however, inconclusive<br />

because results of BDHS 2004 were not consistent with those of<br />

BDHS 1993-94. It is likely, however, that parents may continue to be<br />

somewhat more willing to incur more health costs for sons than for<br />

daughters.<br />

As already said before, a major conclusion we reached is that the<br />

male-to-female ratios in mortality declined over time. This raises the<br />

question whether one can estimate the impact of a decline in<br />

male/female mortality by looking at changes in population sex ratios.<br />

We are of the opinion that this is very difficult to do. Sex ratios in the<br />

population are influenced by a large number of factors relating to<br />

patterns of and changes in fertility, mortality and migration and it is<br />

difficult to separate the effect of decreases in male/female mortality<br />

from all the other factors. It is especially hard to quantify the impact of<br />

changes in migration patterns on the sex ratio. For the same reason we<br />

think that methodologies used to determine trends in missing women

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