WATERING THE NEIGHBOUR'S GARDEN: THE GROWING - CICRED

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S. SUDHA –S. KHANNA –S. I. RAJAN –R. SRIVASTAVA
decline in survivorship patterns of female vs. male children between
the 1981 and 1991 censuses in all but two districts of Kerala (Thrissur
district, where our study is set, is among those which have experienced
the decline). Rajan et al. (2000) also estimate sex ratios at birth in each
district from 1991 census data, and suggest that two districts of Kerala
may now show abnormally masculine sex ratios at birth (respectively
109 and 111 male births per 1000 births in Kasaragod and in
Kottayam) while several others (including Thrissur) show an increase in
masculinity over the intercensal period. These authors stress that
almost no research exists on this topic, a critical gap we address in this
chapter.
2. Ethnohistory of Nayar Families
We use the term “ethnohistory” as in Khanna (2001) to describe
the cultural history of the Nayars, specifically highlighting aspects of
kinship and family organization and women’s position in the family and
wider society in the past. This description forms the basis for
comparison with our research findings among contemporary Nayars to
delineate social change. Nayars, comprising several subcastes that
coalesced into the larger caste entity in the late 19 th century, were the
‘dominant caste’ of Kerala in economic, social and political power.
They were a mostly landowning and military group, who practiced
matrilineal descent and inheritance and matrilocal residence (Jeffery,
1976). That is, although variations existed, the tharavadu (the traditional
household) in the 19 th century usually comprised women, daughters,
granddaughters, maternal uncles, brothers, and sons. Married
(sometimes polyandrous) women continued to reside in their natal
home while husbands visited from their own homes. While Nayar
women were often wedded to Namboodiri (upper caste Brahmin) men,
their children would be included in her caste and lineage. Male kin
performed funeral ceremonies. Property belonged to the women as a
group and was bequeathed to female descendants, and the family name
descended in the female line. While father-child bonds were
acknowledged, property, residence, and family name were rarely
derived from fathers. Household administrative power increasingly
came to be vested in the eldest male over the 19 th century, but senior
women often also had great authority (Arunima, 2003).
Though women under matriliny may not have had high personal
autonomy (due to the control vested in senior males and females) they
had comparatively high status vs. under patriliny (Saradamoni, 1999;
Renjini, 2000). Women’s inalienable rights in their tharavadu ensured