WATERING THE NEIGHBOUR'S GARDEN: THE GROWING - CICRED

MARRIAGE MIGRATION BETWEEN VIETNAM AND TAIWAN…
Figure 4 Age-sex structure, Taiwan population, 2000
Age
80+
75-79
70-74
65-69
60-64
55-59
50-54
45-49
40-44
35-39
30-34
25-29
20-24
15-19
10-14
5-9
0-4
Males Females
6,0 4,0 2,0 0,0 2,0 4,0 6,0
Percent
Source: International Data Base, International Programs Center, U.S. Bureau of the Census.
While demographic “marriage squeeze” factors are an element in
the marriage migration between Vietnam and Taiwan, there are several
underlying forces which are influencing the rapid expansion of the
phenomenon some of which can be briefly referred to here. One such
element is that the marriage migration has partly resulted from the
strong transnational linkages established by Taiwan with other East
and South-East Asian countries through expanded investment in those
areas and a strong pattern of interchange of people, goods, finance and
ideas developed.
At the Vietnam end there is no doubt that the high incidence of
poverty in the South-western Region has been a factor in explaining
the marriage migration. Although the region is one of the most fertile
parts of the country, it experiences frequent natural disasters such as
flooding during the raining season and severe drought during the dry
season. Levels of education are very low in comparison with the Red
River Delta with enrolment rates being only a third of those in the Red
River Delta (GSO, 2003). According to the National Living Standard
Survey (LSS) in 2002, in Mekong Delta region, 23.4 percent of households
were under the poverty line and 17.8 percent had no property
(Tran, 2004). In the five provinces which are the main origins of marriage
migrants, the poverty rate is high–nearly 50 percent in An Giang
Province (Table 2). Also, provision of health education and other
essential services is very low. There are nearly 3,000 people in this area
per doctor compared with less than 2,000 in the Red River Delta
(GSO, 2003). Moreover, the proportion of women who are house-
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