WATERING THE NEIGHBOUR'S GARDEN: THE GROWING - CICRED

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WU H. –M. FELDMAN –JIN X. –LI S.
migrants expect to have a boy when they do not have a boy, want to
have both a boy and a girl once they have a boy, and even want to have
more boys (Feng and Zhang, 2002). Migrants residing in central and
western regions before migration have a lower risk of having son
preference compared with those living in the eastern region before
migration. But residence region before migration has no effect on the
behaviour of son preference. Thus although son preference differs
among regions, having a boy is universally desired in all the rural areas
(Mu and Chen, 1996).
In addition, individuals’ education, age at first migration, and years
lived in urban areas have effects on son preference among migrants,
indicating the migration is socially selective (Johnson et al., 1994). This
could influence migrants’ abilities to adapt to urban daily life
(Goldstein and Goldstein, 1982; Schnittker, 2002). Finally, individuals’
attitude and behaviour of son preference would be influenced by
cohort and period effects after migration.
Determinants of attitude about son preference are different from
those for the behaviour of son preference. Childbearing behaviour is
usually determined by social situation and and involves a family
decision. After migration, the living standard of rural-urban migrants
improves and their income increases. Although their attitude of son
preference might be expected to be influenced by permanent urban
residents, their demand for a son still exists, most likely in order to
continue the family name and provide old age support. Having a boy is
still the ultimate goal of childbearing among the rural population (Mu
and Chen, 1996).
Our findings have some limitations. Our sample included only
respondents who were married and gave birth to child(ren) after
migration, which may have affected the results. We studied mainly the
attitudes and behaviours of son preference among the rural-urban
migrants from the perspective of social networks, without paying
attention to social conditions in the city, or an individual’s actual
childbearing needs. Chinese people strongly prefer more children
within a household, and “rearing a son for old age” is deeply rooted in
the traditional culture of son preference. The sex of a child is of
primary importance, and the timing of childbirth and the number of
births are secondary (Feng and Zhang, 2002). Also our study took
place in Shenzhen, and whether the results for this special economic
zone are valid for other regions needs further studies.