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WATERING THE NEIGHBOUR'S GARDEN: THE GROWING - CICRED

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TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION, MARRIAGE AND TRAFFICKING…<br />

ho), baby sitting (upon request), cooking and dish washing at food-stalls<br />

in the market, coal-pieces pickering (to sell), goods transporters (to<br />

markets, including markets in China), house or food-stall cleaning,<br />

porter, ploughing (for hire), soil digging, etc. There are 2.6 percent of<br />

the returnees that work as garbage collectors. Finally, a number of the<br />

studied women work in fishing, simply catching sea and freshwater<br />

creatures like crabs, snails, fishes from the shore.<br />

Being trapped at that bottom of the local labour market, women<br />

who took part in this study have to struggle to maintain a sufficient<br />

income for themselves and their family. In responding to the question<br />

about whether or not their family income was sufficient, 90.6 percent<br />

answered that it was not, among which 64 percent considered it to be<br />

largely insufficient. Only 9.4 percent of the entire sample estimated<br />

their income to be sufficient. The majority of women (79.8 percent)<br />

had to support an average of two family members, usually their own<br />

children, old parents, brothers, or sisters.<br />

2.4. Limitations of the study<br />

There are a number of limitations in this study. First, the sample is<br />

not representative of the trafficked and migrant population from Vietnam<br />

to China. Given the illegality of these flows, the base population is<br />

unknown and it would be impossible to draw a representative sample.<br />

Second, the difference between voluntary and forced migration is at<br />

times difficult to establish. As such, we do not have an exact figure<br />

from the survey data of the proportion of women who were not deceived<br />

or trafficked through their journey and life in China. Rather,<br />

data from the interviews and from local leaders and border authorities<br />

strongly suggest that the two processes are intertwined for a majority<br />

of women (n=30). The conceptually blurred line between migration<br />

and traffic allows us to consider the dynamic and relationship between<br />

the two processes. The third limitation is the reliance on the experiences<br />

of returnees. In many cases, returnees have been forced to go<br />

back, or they have escaped from situations of forced labour or forced<br />

or difficult marriages. As such, we do not have a sample which is<br />

representative of the trafficked as no information is known of those<br />

who stay. Fourth, the fact that migrants and victims of traffic themselves<br />

acted as interviewers for a portion of the sample may have<br />

diminished the quality of the data collection. This choice was made due<br />

to the difficulty of contacting and interviewing women who have<br />

returned from China, due to the stigma attached to them and their<br />

typical reluctance to share their story with a stranger (interviewer).<br />

Fifth, the study does not provide any direct evidence of the factors of<br />

405

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