WATERING THE NEIGHBOUR'S GARDEN: THE GROWING - CICRED

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304 T.V. SEKHER - N. HATTI contributed to a gradual reduction in the demand for agriculture labour. The availability of credit and marketing facilities also helped farmers. The easy access to the vibrant Mandya town with commercial and industrial establishments also encouraged many villagers to take up employment in the town. The population of the village has increased considerably during the last decades, rising from only 761 inhabitants in 1951 to 2921 in 2001. Nearly 70 percent of households were Vokkaligas, the dominant community in the village as well as in the district. Vokkaliga in the local language means ‘cultivator’, and they were traditional agriculturists. They are the Gangadikar Vokkaligas enjoying higher rank within the Vokkaligas. Undoubtedly, Vokkaligas control the bulk of the cultivable land. According to 2001 census, 36 percent of the total workers are cultivators and 24 percent were agricultural labourers in this village. Twenty-one percent of the households belonged to scheduled castes. We observed that dowry, the wealth flow from bride’s family to groom’s family, has become a common practice in all castes and communities. The communities that did not practice dowry in the past have now taken this up in a big way. This has put a heavy burden on the family in arranging for the dowry demanded by the boy’s family and also meeting the increasing marriage expenses. Having more children is a financial burden on the family in terms of sending them to school and in performing their marriages. Epstein, who studied two Mandya villages, documents the emergence of dowry practice in this area- “in Wangala, it was Beregowda, one of the most enterprising peasants, who initiated change to dowry payments. He explained that three considerations had motivated him to take this step: first, he was keen to get an educated husband for his daughter. Second, his daughter had not been trained to work in the fields and far from being an economic asset she would be a liability as a wife; finally, he said, Brahmins had always given their daughters dowries” (Epstein, 1973:197). In another study in a South Karnataka village, Caldwell et al., describe the changes in dowry practices - “The major change was the coming of dowry. In the early 1950s, the first dowries in Bangalore were paid by some Brahmin families. Not until the beginning of the 1960s did the first Brahmin landlord family in the study area provide a dowry and not until 1965 was this done by the first Vokkaliga (the major peasant caste) family. It is still not paid by Harijans (Scheduled castes), although in the largest village they ceased paying the Tera five years ago, and the payment is still small among some of the backward castes. Nevertheless, they all anticipate its arrival. In all castes, the bride’s family now bears the major portion of the wedding costs, and it
VULNERABLE DAUGHTERS IN A MODERNIZING SOCIETY… is they who seek loans and sell land” (Caldwell et al., 1982: 707). Rich Gowda families are ready to pay up to Rs.5-6 lakhs 7 as dowry, apart from gold, vehicles etc. The girl’s family meets the entire marriage expenses. The dowry depends upon the qualification and employment position of the boy and land owning status of the family (see Appendix 1). During our fieldwork we came across Vokkaliga families having only one child, mostly male, and deciding to accept family planning. According to them, if they had more than one child it would be extremely difficult to provide good education and meet the cost of upbringing. As narrated in our focus group discussions, since land was limited, it was difficult to maintain the standard of living. “It was better before. Rainfall was sufficient and the crop yield was good. We used to get sufficient water from the Krishnarajasagar dam and there was not much problem for our agriculture. We were getting good crops and, we were happy.” “At present, due to insufficient rainfall canal water from the dam for our agriculture is becoming difficult. The entire village including its surroundings is having the same kind of problem in agriculture”. “Because of the financial constraint, everybody has been limiting the family size. Fragmentation of land has taken place due to the partition of families, and everybody having only small holdings. So, parents don’t want to have more children and again don’t want to divide their family and land.” “In our colony, Kamali has two, sons. Her elder daughterin-law has not brought anything, but the second daughterin-law has brought a huge dowry. Therefore the younger one receives more respect than the elder one.” “The husband and the in-laws threaten the elder one for not bringing any dowry. We have seen this with our own eyes, so many times”. “I have seen them beating her also. Any time, she will be sent back home”. 7 Rs 5 lakhs (500,000 rupees) amount approximately to 9.300 euros (2007 exchange rate). 305
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WATERING THE NEIGHBOUR’S GARDEN:
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Chapters in this volume originate f
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List of Authors Sutapa AGRAWAL is P
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Foreword The rampant demographic ma
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TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Isab
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Introduction Isabelle ATTANÉ and C
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INTRODUCTION 3 point to an unexpect
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INTRODUCTION 5 women to avoid unwan
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INTRODUCTION 7 to estimate the cont
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INTRODUCTION 9 a feature common amo
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INTRODUCTION 11 women and may in tu
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INTRODUCTION 13 covering other regi
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INTRODUCTION 15 ratio at birth. Tha
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INTRODUCTION 17 Figure 2 Research l
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INTRODUCTION 19 This is no doubt an
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INTRODUCTION 21 References ATTANÉ
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Part I RECENT TRENDS IN SEX RATIO I
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26 LI S.-WEI Y.- JIANG Q. - M. W. F
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Sex Ratio at Birth and Excess Femal
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SEX RATIO AT BIRTH AND EXCESS FEMAL
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A Sharp Increase in Sex Ratio at Bi
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A SHARP INCREASE IN SEX RATIO AT BI
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Son Preference, Female Deficit and
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SON PREFERENCE, FEMALE DEFICIT… F
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SON PREFERENCE, FEMALE DEFICIT… A
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SON PREFERENCE, FEMALE DEFICIT… b
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SON PREFERENCE, FEMALE DEFICIT… e
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SON PREFERENCE, FEMALE DEFICIT… R
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Part II DIFFERENTIALS IN DISCRIMINA
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110 C.Z. GUILMOTO - I. ATTANÉ gap
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112 C.Z. GUILMOTO - I. ATTANÉ rise
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114 C.Z. GUILMOTO - I. ATTANÉ only
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116 C.Z. GUILMOTO - I. ATTANÉ adva
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118 C.Z. GUILMOTO - I. ATTANÉ nomi
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120 C.Z. GUILMOTO - I. ATTANÉ chil
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122 C.Z. GUILMOTO - I. ATTANÉ Figu
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124 C.Z. GUILMOTO - I. ATTANÉ incr
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126 C.Z. GUILMOTO - I. ATTANÉ itse
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128 C.Z. GUILMOTO - I. ATTANÉ patr
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1. Introduction Factors Influencing
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FACTORS INFLUENCING THE USE OF PREN
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Decreases in Male and Female Mortal
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DECREASES IN MALE AND FEMALE MORTAL
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184 KIM D.S. -SONG Y.J. birth at hi
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186 KIM D.S. -SONG Y.J. trance exam
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188 KIM D.S. -SONG Y.J. and on its
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190 KIM D.S. -SONG Y.J. striking. W
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192 KIM D.S. -SONG Y.J. Table 1 Sex
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194 KIM D.S. -SONG Y.J. maintained
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196 KIM D.S. -SONG Y.J. ritual is t
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198 KIM D.S. -SONG Y.J. and educati
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200 KIM D.S. -SONG Y.J. dents in ea
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202 KIM D.S. -SONG Y.J. behaviour i
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Part III LOCAL PERSPECTIVES ON GEND
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208 L. BOSSEN to support their husb
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210 L. BOSSEN The period of rural c
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212 L. BOSSEN throughout their live
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214 Figure 1 County sex ratio by bi
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216 L. BOSSEN The local demand for
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218 Table 3 Huang Tu Village change
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220 L. BOSSEN lineage which has the
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222 L. BOSSEN outside the patriline
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224 L. BOSSEN officials have not ye
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226 L. BOSSEN to households in its
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228 L. BOSSEN LI Shuzuo, FELDMAN Ma
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230 WU H. -M. FELDMAN -JIN X. -LI S
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Discrimination from Conception to C
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DISCRIMINATION FROM CONCEPTION TO C
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DISCRIMINATION FROM CONCEPTION TO C
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SON PREFERENCE AND THE MARRIAGE SQU
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366 G. HUGO -NGUYEN THI H. X. front
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368 G. HUGO -NGUYEN THI H. X. and s
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370 G. HUGO -NGUYEN THI H. X. Only
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372 G. HUGO -NGUYEN THI H. X. domin
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374 G. HUGO -NGUYEN THI H. X. wives
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376 G. HUGO -NGUYEN THI H. X. wan;
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378 G. HUGO -NGUYEN THI H. X. Minh
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380 G. HUGO -NGUYEN THI H. X. were
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382 G. HUGO -NGUYEN THI H. X. Table
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390 G. HUGO -NGUYEN THI H. X. HUANG
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Transnational Migration, Marriage a
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