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WATERING THE NEIGHBOUR'S GARDEN: THE GROWING - CICRED

WATERING THE NEIGHBOUR'S GARDEN: THE GROWING - CICRED

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SEX RATIO AT BIRTH AND EXCESS FEMALE CHILD MORTALITY IN INDIA…<br />

states of Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Assam, and West Bengal<br />

where prenatal diagnostic tests are used in less than 10 percent of the<br />

pregnancies. Secondly, in the South Indian states, the sex ratio at last<br />

birth is high and at the same time the use of sonogram/ultrasound or<br />

amniocentesis is also the highest (45 percent and 36 percent of the<br />

pregnancies in Kerala, Tamil Nadu). Yet, the sex ratio of births for<br />

which these technologies were performed, is lower in these states,<br />

except in Karnataka, suggesting that prenatal diagnostic tests have not<br />

been misused for sex-selective abortion, unlike the more widely prevalent<br />

pattern in the above-mentioned states. If couples have a strong<br />

desire for sons, the simplest stopping rule is that they will continue to<br />

have children until they reach their desired number of sons (Clark,<br />

2000; McClelland, 1979). With low fertility (1-2 children) and strong<br />

preference for sons (at least one son) as an intertwined norm, when<br />

sons are born first, couples will stop having children by adopting<br />

contraception. Alternatively, when daughters are born first, couples<br />

will continue to have children until they have a son. Both strategies of<br />

couples led to a corresponding rise in the proportion of sons, even in<br />

the absence of sex-selective abortion.<br />

4.2. Regional pattern of the dynamics of excess female child mortality<br />

In the past, the sex differentials in child mortality, particularly in<br />

the northern states of India, were amongst the highest ever recorded in<br />

demographic history and the resultant excess female child mortality<br />

was a major contributor to the historically high sex ratio in India. In<br />

the context of emerging evidence of widespread sex-selective abortion<br />

as a major contributor to the increase in child sex ratio in the recent<br />

decades, it is all the more important to assess the contribution of<br />

excess female child mortality to high or increasing sex ratios. Since the<br />

1970s, India’s Sample Registration System provides long-term evidence<br />

on the extent of sex differentials in child mortality. The SRS data<br />

indicate that the extent of sex differentials in child mortality has worsened<br />

during the 1980s and 1990s compared with the 1970s (Registrar<br />

General, 1991, 2003). In the absence of any biological basis, the cause<br />

of excess female child mortality is attributed to son preference, patriarchal<br />

structure and the consequent inferior position of women in society.<br />

In India and in developing countries in general, excess female child<br />

mortality tends to occur significantly and mostly over the ages 1-4 (see<br />

also Tabutin and Williems, 1998). Male disadvantage in neonatal mortality<br />

turns into female disadvantage of child mortality. Excess female<br />

child mortality tends to be small and insignificant during infancy (after<br />

accounting for biological male disadvantage) and also from age five.<br />

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