Religion and Spirituality in Psychiatry
Religion and Spirituality in Psychiatry
Religion and Spirituality in Psychiatry
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86 Sylvia Mohr <strong>and</strong> Samuel Pfeiferbeen shown that 10 to 28 percent of the generalpopulation have delusions (depend<strong>in</strong>g on thebroadness of criteria), whereas the prevalenceof psychosis varies around 1 percent.(34, 35, 36)This leads us to consider delusions not as discretediscont<strong>in</strong>uous entities, but as a complex <strong>and</strong>multidimensional phenomenon. Assess<strong>in</strong>g thepresence of a delusion may then best be accomplishedby consider<strong>in</strong>g a list of dimensions, noneof which is necessary nor sufficient, but which,when add<strong>in</strong>g one to the other, result <strong>in</strong> greaterlikelihood of a delusion. For <strong>in</strong>stance, the moreimplausible, unfounded, strongly held, not sharedby others, distress<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>and</strong> preoccupy<strong>in</strong>g a beliefis, the more likely it is to be considered a delusion.(37) Although the number <strong>and</strong> the nature ofdimensions vary across studies, the most commondimensions are conviction, preoccupation,pervasiveness, negative emotionality, <strong>and</strong> action<strong>in</strong>action.(38)When compar<strong>in</strong>g delusions <strong>in</strong> depression <strong>and</strong>schizophrenia, the criterion mood- congruent versusmood-<strong>in</strong>congruent delusional beliefs appearsas a specific dimension, “<strong>in</strong>congruence withaffective state.” The other dimensions are behavioral<strong>and</strong> emotional impact of delusional beliefs,cognitive dis<strong>in</strong>tegration, delusional certa<strong>in</strong>ty, <strong>and</strong>lack of volitional control. Delusions <strong>in</strong> depressiondisplay the same severity as delusions <strong>in</strong> schizophreniawith regard to delusional certa<strong>in</strong>ty <strong>and</strong>behavioral <strong>and</strong> emotional impact.(39)Th e Peters Delusions Inventory (PDI) questionnairewas created to <strong>in</strong>vestigate delusions<strong>in</strong> general <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> psychiatric populations.(40)This scale scans for a set of beliefs, question<strong>in</strong>gif people hold them <strong>and</strong> how much they areconv<strong>in</strong>ced, worried, <strong>and</strong> distressed by them.Those beliefs were ma<strong>in</strong>ly drawn from the symptomslist of the Present State Exam<strong>in</strong>ation (22)<strong>and</strong> the Schneiderian’s first rank symptoms ofschizophrenia.(41) Several studies have beenconducted with this scale, compar<strong>in</strong>g delusionalideations <strong>in</strong> healthy <strong>and</strong> psychiatric populations.For example, <strong>in</strong> a study of primary-care patientswithout lifetime history of psychiatric disorder,the range of delusional beliefs ranged from 5percent to 70 percent.(42) Of course, comparedto deluded psychiatric <strong>in</strong>patients, healthy adultsappeared to endorse fewer of those beliefs <strong>and</strong> tobe less distressed, preoccupied, <strong>and</strong> conv<strong>in</strong>ced.Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge thefact that, on average, healthy adults endorsedone-third of those delusional beliefs. Moreover,11 percent of healthy adults endorsed moredelusional beliefs than deluded psychiatric<strong>in</strong>patients.(43) One study of particular <strong>in</strong>terestis the comparison between deluded psychotic<strong>in</strong>-patients, new religious movements’ members(Hare Krishnas <strong>and</strong> Druids), <strong>and</strong> two controlgroups (nonreligious <strong>and</strong> Christian). The newreligious movements’ members endorsed asmuch delusional ideation as psychotic patients,with the same level of conviction , but with levelsof preoccupation <strong>and</strong> distress similar to the controlgroups.(40)Another way to tackle this is to differentiate<strong>in</strong>itial beliefs that are directly l<strong>in</strong>ked to observation<strong>and</strong> theoretical beliefs based on <strong>in</strong>trospection<strong>and</strong> judgments. By compar<strong>in</strong>g delusionsamong <strong>in</strong>patients with schizophrenia <strong>and</strong> thereligious belief (“God exists”) of highly religiousChristians act<strong>in</strong>g as a control group, it appearedthat the religious beliefs <strong>and</strong> delusions did not differon levels of conviction, falsity, affect, nor <strong>in</strong>fluenceon behavior.(44) Those studies po<strong>in</strong>t out thatassess<strong>in</strong>g the contents of beliefs is of little use todifferentiate religious beliefs from delusions.2.3.1. Formation <strong>and</strong> Conservationof DelusionsAnother approach to better underst<strong>and</strong> delusionsis to focus on their formation <strong>and</strong> conservation.Three types of theoretical models tryto expla<strong>in</strong> the formation of delusions based,respectively, on motivation, cognitive deficit,<strong>and</strong> perceptual anomalies. Theories based on themotivation view of delusions suggest that theyhave a defensive, palliative function, be<strong>in</strong>g anattempt to relieve pa<strong>in</strong>, tension, <strong>and</strong> distress. Inthis view, delusions provide a k<strong>in</strong>d of psychologicalrefuge <strong>and</strong> are underst<strong>and</strong>able <strong>in</strong> terms of theemotional benefits they confer.Theories based on the deficit view of delusionsargue that they are the consequence of