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Religion and Spirituality in Psychiatry

Religion and Spirituality in Psychiatry

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22 Joel James Shumanway of underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> cop<strong>in</strong>g with his longhistory of serious depression.(7–12)2. RELIGION AND RELIGIONSI have advocated shift<strong>in</strong>g the focus on matters atthe <strong>in</strong>tersection of religion <strong>and</strong> psychiatry fromthe <strong>in</strong>dividual patient’s beliefs <strong>and</strong> the therapeuticutility of those beliefs to the ways her beliefsare shaped by her membership <strong>in</strong> or associationwith a religious tradition. My advocacy is basedon the conviction that it is more descriptivelyaccurate, not to mention more cl<strong>in</strong>ically useful,to talk about psychiatry <strong>and</strong> a particular religion,such as Judaism, Christianity, or Islam, than totalk about psychiatry <strong>and</strong> religion <strong>in</strong> general.The truth is that it is impossible to say very muchabout psychiatry <strong>and</strong> religious faith <strong>in</strong> general,because there really isn’t any such th<strong>in</strong>g as religiousfaith <strong>in</strong> general . The notion of a generic“religion,” as Nicholas Lash has shown, is <strong>in</strong>essence an epiphenomenon of the shift<strong>in</strong>g philosophicalground of early modern Europe, oneaspect of which <strong>in</strong>cluded an emerg<strong>in</strong>g suspicionof what traditionally had been a conspicuously“public” Christianity.(13) This is not to say thatthere are no resemblances among the traditionswe call “religions.” Certa<strong>in</strong>ly there are commonlyheld beliefs <strong>and</strong> practices among the adherentsof various traditions (or those of no traditionwho still call themselves religious or spiritual).More, the faiths we commonly call “Abrahamic”(Judaism, Christianity, <strong>and</strong> Islam) share a commonhistorical heritage <strong>and</strong> comparable canonicalnarratives.(14) Still, too easily associat<strong>in</strong>gthe beliefs, practices, <strong>and</strong> narratives of eventhese traditions avoids, rather than encourages,theological scrut<strong>in</strong>y. It has become fashionable<strong>in</strong> recent years <strong>in</strong> a wide variety of medical specialties,psychiatry not excepted, to <strong>in</strong>vestigate<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> some cases even to commend the therapeuticeffects of actions <strong>and</strong> dispositions broadlyregarded as “spiritual” or “religious.” (15) Theoperational assumption <strong>in</strong> most of this work hasseemed to be that the subjective act of belief ismore significant than the objective content ofwhat is believed, <strong>in</strong>sofar as the various historicalreligious traditions are but ways of referr<strong>in</strong>g toa universal characteristic of human subjectivity,which we might name religious feel<strong>in</strong>g or religiousbelief. The traditions, that is, are butspecies of a common genus named “religion,”or now, more commonly, “spirituality.” As such,they may be exchanged or hybridized accord<strong>in</strong>gto therapeutic effectiveness <strong>and</strong> the needs of thereligious consumer.(13, 15)Such a view of “religion” corresponds towhat the theologian George L<strong>in</strong>dbeck hascalled “experiential-expressivism,” where<strong>in</strong> thetheological focus is on <strong>in</strong>terpret<strong>in</strong>g the alwayspersonal, usually <strong>in</strong>ward, <strong>and</strong> often privateexperience of the believer. The content of thebeliever’s experience, the raw material <strong>in</strong>form<strong>in</strong>gwhat theologians typically call doctr<strong>in</strong>e , isseen from this perspective as “non<strong>in</strong>formativeor nondiscursive symbols of <strong>in</strong>ner feel<strong>in</strong>gs,attitudes, or existential orientations.” (16) Thisway of underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g religion not only fits,but also emerges as part of, the contemporaryNorth Atlantic sociopolitical context. The world<strong>in</strong>habited by most mental health professionals<strong>and</strong> their patients is characterized by radical<strong>in</strong>dividualism <strong>and</strong> a sharp egalitarian impulse,a paradoxically reactionary suspicion towardtraditional authority, <strong>and</strong> a belief that someform of scientific reason is the only legitimatearbiter of public truth. Subsequently, we tend toassume the existence of a deep division betweenthe public <strong>and</strong> private realms, whereby we supposethat religious belief is a private, <strong>in</strong>dividualmatter that cannot <strong>and</strong> should not be critiquedwith respect to its content.(15, 17)Yet such a highly <strong>in</strong>dividuated, private, experientiallygrounded underst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g of religionfalls decidedly short of account<strong>in</strong>g for what ithas for most of history meant to “be religious.”L<strong>in</strong>dbeck argues that the traditions we call “religions”are better understood as entire ways oflife, which may be participated <strong>in</strong> properly onlythrough <strong>in</strong>itiation, extensive tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g, <strong>and</strong> lifelongritual re<strong>in</strong>forcement. Here he draws on thework of Wittgenste<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> argu<strong>in</strong>g that religions arenot unlike languages, <strong>in</strong> that they make possible“the description of realities, the formulation of

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