Child-and-adult-labour-in-the-export-oriented-garment-and-gem-polishing-industry-of-India

Child and adult labour in the gem polishing export industry of Jaipur
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8. No steps had been undertaken by the Government, i.e. the Labour Inspectors, to meet the
aim of providing protection and improving working conditions for the children who were still at
work in the industry.
The study of the special schools revealed an incongruity between the needs of children in the gem
polishing industry and what the Special Schools offered, which meant a rather misplaced
emphasis in the very concept of these schools. Selection norms for the schools happened to be
very strict because of the possibility of financial gain in the form of stipends. According to the
IDS, the idea of selecting one child from a family with five to seven children, led nowhere.
Giving the family with one child seventy-five rupees stipend and milk and food did not help matters
either economically or in terms of health inputs as compared with the other children in the
family and for the parents involved. The Special Schools in all reached a small number of
children, as only 1,000 children could be admitted in the twenty schools (50 children per school),
which left the majority of the child labourers (14,000 from the estimated bench mark of 15,000
child labourers) out of the scope of the Programme.
Thus, according to the IDS, the concept of the Special School was not instrumental in weaning
the children from the industry. For the children (partly) withdrawn from the industry the available
alternatives were not such as could assure them a good education, health and space to learn and
grow, which is all fundamental to a good 'childhood'. Children were even worse off because they
also worked after leaving the school in the afternoon. 'The causes behind the employment of
young children in the industry', according to IDS, 'is not only the structure of the industry but
more the poverty and helpless condition of parents'. 'The income of the working child is very
much needed by the parents'.
Ms. Mathur said in the interview that 'if poverty, or the socio-economic context of the child,
cannot be eliminated and if the structure of the industry cannot be changed, then it is likely that
any intervention will disrupt a rather traditional way of survival without any alternative assurance'.
'Thus', said Ms. Mathur, 'one should look for factors which can be changed and which do not
interfere with the earning of a livelihood, like vocational training, awareness-raising of the
parents and employers'. Therefore, on the basis of a detailed dialogue with parents during their
study, the IDS recommended, as it had recommended at the time when their study was finalized,
that child labour should be regulated with a strong involvement of the community to see that the
work of the children is limited to a maximum of four hours per day and ensure that all the
children receive at least two and a half hours of education. The above strategy had to go together
with stipend otherwise the child labour would go underground. The IDS also recommended a
special shift in the school especially for girls which would meet the strict separation (or 'purdah')
of the girl child required by the Muslim community. Financial inputs had to be given in creating
community centres with motivated teachers who could see that the children participate in in- and
outdoor activities, entertainment, play, music workshops etc.
Ms. Kanchen Mathur said that none of the recommendations of her report had been taken up by
the Government. She said 'a report with recommendations is meant for putting it into policy. This
has never happened'. Ms. Mathur said: 'the Government is doing nothing and doesn't want to look
for alternative programmes and solutions to the problem. What is needed are proper schools and
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