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Pierre André Chiappori (Columbia) "Family Economics" - Cemmap

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8. Sharing the gains from marriage 369<br />

technology, such as the legalization of abortion, generally increases the welfare<br />

of all women, including those who want a child and are not interested<br />

in the new technology. Note, however, that the mechanism generating this<br />

gain is largely indirect. The reason why even married women willing to have<br />

a child benefit from the birth control technology is that the latter, by raising<br />

the reservation utility of single women, raises the ‘price’ of all women<br />

on the matching market (although this logic fails to apply in situations of<br />

‘large’ excess supply of women).<br />

An interesting, although somewhat paradoxical implication is that reserving<br />

the new technology to married women (as was initially the case<br />

for the pill, at least for younger women) would actually reverse the empowerment<br />

effect. The option of marriage to women with a low taste for<br />

children, who are willing to accept a lower compensation from the husband<br />

for getting married and gaining access to the new technology, toughens the<br />

competition for husbands. Therefore, women of the high or intermediate<br />

type are made worse off by the introduction of the new technology. Only<br />

women with a very low taste parameter (that is, below the lower marginal<br />

value) gain from the innovation. This comparison emphasizes the complex<br />

and partly paradoxical welfare impact of a new technology. On the one<br />

hand, its effects can go well beyond the individuals who actually use it,<br />

or even consider using it. Our model suggests that a major effect of legalizing<br />

abortion may have been a shift in the intrahousehold balance of<br />

powers and in the resulting allocation of resources, even (and perhaps especially)<br />

in couples who were not considering abortion as an option. On the<br />

other hand, the new technology benefits all married women only because<br />

it is available to singles. A technological improvement which is reserved<br />

to married women will have an impact on their fertility, partly because it<br />

changes the mechanisms governing selection into marriage. But its impact<br />

on women’s welfare is largely negative, except for a small fraction of women<br />

who choose marriage as an access to the new technology.<br />

8.3 Matching with general utilities<br />

We now switch to the general framework in which we relax the assumption<br />

that utility is transferable. The tractability of the transferable utility<br />

framework comes at a cost. The most obvious drawback is that under TU,<br />

couples behave as singles; in particular, their demand function (that is,<br />

the amount spent on each of the public or private commodities) does not<br />

depend on the Pareto weights. In other words, changes in male and female<br />

income distributions may trigger a reallocation of resources (or more<br />

precisely of one commodity) between spouses, but under TU, it cannot<br />

have income effects, and cannot result in, say, more being spent on children<br />

health or education. While this framework may be useful in many

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