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déchets. stigmatisations, commerces, politiques ... - Viva Rio en Haiti

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and at a distance from their bodies. We noted that,<br />

as occurs in other large metropolises, here too most<br />

of the garbage is not produced by the inhabitants<br />

of these extremely poor areas. They insist – with<br />

good reason – that the waste comes from outside,<br />

up above and the markets. 38<br />

This situation also explains why the actions<br />

VR was implem<strong>en</strong>ting in the zone were so visible<br />

at the time: sudd<strong>en</strong>ly waste bins appeared in<br />

the streets and av<strong>en</strong>ues, new dumpsters were being<br />

placed on some street corners, brigades were<br />

cleaning public roads and the Pont Rouge channel<br />

continued to be dredged ev<strong>en</strong> after rains wh<strong>en</strong> it<br />

was inundated again by the waste coming from the<br />

distant and wealthy city districts.<br />

The phrases “The sea never retains the fi lth,<br />

running water is always clean” were not used by<br />

people throwing away garbage: they concerned<br />

and tried to rationalize the customs of those “others<br />

who throw away garbage.” As well as describing<br />

supposed hygi<strong>en</strong>e habits, they express a moral<br />

judgm<strong>en</strong>t on customs tak<strong>en</strong> to be wrong, thereby<br />

exposing the dynamic of social stigmatization<br />

that surrounds garbage.<br />

This logic of stigmatization shows, in turn,<br />

that the ‘waste issue’ forms part of a wider social<br />

confi guration involving urban issues (waste managem<strong>en</strong>t<br />

in the city), political subjects (ways of<br />

dealing with waste, albeit through the spasmodic<br />

nature of public policies, the lack of any defi nition<br />

of responsibilities among public bodies and<br />

the abs<strong>en</strong>ce of specifi c funding), and questions relating<br />

to international cooperation (which impact<br />

on the ways of seeing and responding to the prob-<br />

37 Some of the objects most frequ<strong>en</strong>tly thrown in the<br />

streets are undoubtedly the empty plastic bags discarded<br />

after drinking. As we highlighted in a previous<br />

work, the sachè dlo are the main source of drinking<br />

water in the zone (Neiburg & Nicaise 2009). Various<br />

people called att<strong>en</strong>tion to the singular characteristics<br />

of this waste and its importance to the area’s sanitation<br />

and to waste managem<strong>en</strong>t in Port-au-Prince in<br />

g<strong>en</strong>eral. They also m<strong>en</strong>tioned the need to implem<strong>en</strong>t<br />

forms of recycling the plastic bags an/or of creating<br />

legal regulations (like those found in other countries)<br />

that force companies to pay part of the <strong>en</strong>vironm<strong>en</strong>tal<br />

cost of these objects.<br />

38 Aside from the fact that most of the waste produced<br />

by the extremely poor is organic rather than non-organic,<br />

in contrast to the rich areas of large metropolises.<br />

lem, introducing new managem<strong>en</strong>t models and resources).<br />

But we also saw that people do not just throw<br />

waste away: they recycle and sell it. The marketing<br />

of objects discarded by others as garbage is an important<br />

part of the small-profi ts economy, injecting<br />

money into the survival mechanisms of people<br />

and families living in the region. Along with<br />

the dynamic of producing social inequalities and<br />

the policy dynamic (of governm<strong>en</strong>t and interv<strong>en</strong>tion<br />

ag<strong>en</strong>cies), the universe of garbage also reveals<br />

the market’s importance in structuring contemporary<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong>an social life.<br />

GARBAGE | 57

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