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78 Mediterraneans<br />

trade with cities much further to the west, above all Lübeck;<br />

indeed, the main motor <strong>of</strong> urban growth in the Baltic Far East<br />

was German trade and migration. Outside the towns, the fifteenth<br />

century saw an intensification <strong>of</strong> control by landlords<br />

over the peasantry <strong>of</strong> eastern Europe, which reduced the agricultural<br />

workforce to a ‘second serfdom’, and ensured the continued<br />

importance <strong>of</strong> the rye lands as a source <strong>of</strong> grain for the<br />

Dutch and other consumers well into the seventeenth century. 2<br />

In other words, this Mediterranean <strong>of</strong> the North remained a<br />

lively economic theatre well into the early modern period.<br />

Just as the other Mediterraneans saw alongside the expansion<br />

<strong>of</strong> trade an intensification in cultural contacts across the water,<br />

so too in this area we can observe a process <strong>of</strong> Christianization,<br />

accompanied by human migration, that transformed the societies<br />

<strong>of</strong> the coasts <strong>of</strong> the Mediterranean <strong>of</strong> the North: the<br />

process begins, indeed, in the Viking age, with the Danish and<br />

Norse settlement <strong>of</strong> northern England and the outer isles <strong>of</strong><br />

Great Britain, but rapidly the direction <strong>of</strong> cultural influences<br />

reversed, as Norway’s rulers accepted the Christian faith and as<br />

Christianity also spread into the Baltic region; 3 there, a certain<br />

amount <strong>of</strong> competition between Catholic and Orthodox Christianity<br />

occurred, though one area, Lithuania, proved very resistant<br />

to formal Christianization, retaining a pagan elite until<br />

the end <strong>of</strong> the fourteenth century. 4 This made Lithuania (which<br />

came to rule over a vast area reaching almost from the North<br />

Sea to the Black Sea) not a more but a less closed world: it was<br />

home to Catholics and Orthodox, Jews and Muslims, as well as<br />

a diversity <strong>of</strong> pagans. 5 In Finland, on the other hand, Swedish<br />

2 W. Kula, An Economic Theory <strong>of</strong> the Feudal System: Towards a Model <strong>of</strong><br />

the Polish Economy 1500–1800, trans. L. Garner (London, 1976); D. Kirby,<br />

Northern Europe in the Early Modern Period: The Baltic World 1492–1772<br />

(London, 1990), 3–23.<br />

3 G. Turville-Petre, The Heroic Age <strong>of</strong> Scandinavia (London, 1951), 130–64.<br />

4 On this process see the two volumes <strong>of</strong> collected essays published by the<br />

Pontificio Comitato di Scienze Storiche, Gli Inizi del Cristianesimo in Livonia-<br />

Lettonia and La Cristianizzazione della Lituania (Vatican City, 1989); S. C.<br />

Rowell, Lithuania Ascending: A Pagan Empire within East-Central Europe,<br />

1295–1345 (Cambridge, 1994).<br />

5 Cf. a similar scenario in Hungary: N. Berend, At the Gates <strong>of</strong> Christendom:<br />

Jews, Muslims and ‘Pagans’ in Medieval Hungary, c.1000–c.1300 (Cambridge,<br />

2001).

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