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352 Four Years <strong>of</strong> Corruption<br />

‘only’ a depression, as ‘a slight dip’, even though (CS 154) we<br />

explicitly characterize the period as one that makes audible<br />

the ‘background noise’ <strong>of</strong> Mediterranean connectivity when the<br />

‘strident commercial networks’ are silenced. If we use ‘depression’<br />

and ‘abatement’ in portraying the period, this should not<br />

be taken to mean that we treat such phenomena as mere blips. It<br />

means simply that—to change metaphor—our ‘degree zero’ <strong>of</strong><br />

Mediterranean exchange is a little higher than that <strong>of</strong> most<br />

other students <strong>of</strong> the period (even though it is not so high as<br />

McCormick’s). 8 This is an instance <strong>of</strong> a problem <strong>of</strong> presentation<br />

for which we bear full responsibility: our pursuit <strong>of</strong> generalization<br />

across three thousand years led us throughout to give<br />

the impression <strong>of</strong> damping down the intensity <strong>of</strong> change. There<br />

is nothing, however, in our model to deny remarkable peaks<br />

<strong>of</strong> intense connectivity or equally deep troughs, though we<br />

persist in enjoining caution on those who wish to predicate<br />

such extremes <strong>of</strong> the whole basin.<br />

By contrast, the reaction <strong>of</strong> the third <strong>of</strong> the large constituencies<br />

among the readership we hoped for—the ‘high’ or ‘central’<br />

medieval constituency—has, disappointingly, been briefer, less<br />

detailed, far less willing to engage. There has been no real<br />

exploration <strong>of</strong> the possible implications, for the study <strong>of</strong> the<br />

medieval Mediterranean, <strong>of</strong> our discussions <strong>of</strong> connectivity,<br />

technology, and the control <strong>of</strong> microecologies. 9 Nor have our<br />

comparisons <strong>of</strong> ancient and medieval economies been tested<br />

from the medieval end. We expected, indeed would have welcomed,<br />

more resistance here. David Abulafia, from whose<br />

works on medieval commerce we have learned so much, virtually<br />

ignores these topics in his review, apart from chiding us<br />

(p. 10) for disdaining the westward movement <strong>of</strong> the banana<br />

8 We do not understand Peters’ comment in his n. 3: ‘Horden and Purcell<br />

accept the later [¼ c.1000] beginning <strong>of</strong> the European economy, but for<br />

indifferent [sic] reasons’. We are not aware <strong>of</strong> thinking in that way at all. We<br />

simply contrast the Pirenne period with the high Middle Ages.<br />

9 See now also D. Abulafia (ed.), The Mediterranean in History (London,<br />

2003), which emphasizes conflicts and connections across the sea without,<br />

after an opening chapter on the physical setting, paying much attention to<br />

the circum-Mediterranean environment, and without <strong>of</strong>fering any fresh explanation<br />

<strong>of</strong> high medieval economic expansion in Mediterranean Europe.

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