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The View from the Customs House 231<br />

But my principal provisional conclusion is <strong>of</strong> course that tax<br />

morphology maps a historical congruity within the Mediterranean<br />

that stretches from the late Bronze Age to the Renaissance,<br />

and which—again—seems to distinguish a Mediterranean historical<br />

object from its neighbours. The explanation lies in the<br />

durability <strong>of</strong> a distinctive set <strong>of</strong> economic and social relations<br />

deriving from the opportunities <strong>of</strong>fered by high connectivity in<br />

a fragmented, risky environment: in durability <strong>of</strong> a set <strong>of</strong> relations—but<br />

not, let us be clear, in immemorial continuities. The<br />

resemblances which we can trace in the morphology <strong>of</strong> levies on<br />

interdependence are based on the regeneration and recreation <strong>of</strong><br />

fluid and responsive patterns <strong>of</strong> behaviour. 85 The opportunism<br />

<strong>of</strong> the people who produced for redistribution, those who<br />

moved what they produced, those who taxed what was moved,<br />

and those who built their power on the proceeds <strong>of</strong> those taxes,<br />

was founded on a highly developed capacity for adaptation.<br />

Bewildering change in the patterns <strong>of</strong> population, production,<br />

consumption, and hegemony, are not mere accidental hindrances<br />

to making sense <strong>of</strong> Mediterranean history, but part <strong>of</strong><br />

its distinctiveness. 86<br />

The study <strong>of</strong> this tax morphology, bridging the gap, as I have<br />

argued it must, between the microregional foundations and the<br />

organization <strong>of</strong> social and political systems on even a very large<br />

scale, would, among other things, begin to <strong>of</strong>fer a way <strong>of</strong> using<br />

an economic anthropology alongside other aspects <strong>of</strong> anthropology<br />

in the pursuit <strong>of</strong> a distinctively Mediterranean history.<br />

It would also invite us to consider other structural comparanda<br />

across the longer term in Mediterranean history—overseas<br />

settlements, trading communities, allotment <strong>of</strong> land, and so<br />

on. Indeed, the morphology <strong>of</strong> the exaction <strong>of</strong> indirect taxes is<br />

likely to be one <strong>of</strong> the fields in which networks and phases <strong>of</strong><br />

overseas settlement have individual characteristics. 87 And none<br />

<strong>of</strong> these can be understood without reference to the sea.<br />

85<br />

Cahen, ‘Douanes’, 226, on change; on the other hand, for the establishment<br />

<strong>of</strong> regular rhythms, Briant and Descat, ‘Un registre’, 73.<br />

86<br />

The ‘differences that resemble each other’: Horden and Purcell, CS 52<br />

and ch.III.<br />

87<br />

This point is developed further in Purcell, ‘Colonization and Mediterranean<br />

History’.

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