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350 Four Years <strong>of</strong> Corruption<br />

CS, finds (in his contribution to the present volume) ‘surprising<br />

common ground in our divergent positions’. Elizabeth and<br />

James Fentress note (p. 209) that the anthropological chapters<br />

seem ‘anomalous in the context <strong>of</strong> the rest <strong>of</strong> the book’, and they<br />

comment (p. 218) that a Mediterranean anthropology without<br />

kinship, marriage, inheritance, or social structure is ‘like<br />

archaeology without pots’ (some <strong>of</strong> those topics will reappear<br />

in LC; others did not lend themselves to the chapters’ particular<br />

purposes). But otherwise the Fentresses seem to accept even<br />

more <strong>of</strong> our conclusions than does Herzfeld. Henk Driessen<br />

finds an ‘affinity with anthropology’ in our emphasis on the<br />

smaller scale <strong>of</strong> ‘definite places’ and sees our discussion <strong>of</strong><br />

honour in chapter XII as ‘a useful starting point for further<br />

research’. 3<br />

The early medievalists have a Mediterranean, but it remains<br />

different from ours. For both our critics and us, <strong>of</strong> course,<br />

Pirenne continues to determine the paradigm for debate. His<br />

classic Mohammed and Charlemagne still provides a useful<br />

framework within which to discuss the transition from the late<br />

Roman to the early medieval economy; i.e. from a Mediterranean<br />

world to a north-western European one. As Paolo Squatriti<br />

notes at the start <strong>of</strong> his review, Pirenne’s stature and clarity <strong>of</strong><br />

thought, coupled with post-modern scholarship’s concern to<br />

trace intellectual forebears, and the amount <strong>of</strong> new archaeology<br />

for this period, all keep the late antique and early medieval<br />

Mediterranean very much alive in academic discussion. Yet<br />

Squatriti devotes surprisingly little <strong>of</strong> his review to the specifically<br />

early medieval sections <strong>of</strong> chapter V <strong>of</strong> CS, and much<br />

more to general issues. ‘Change clearly did take place in the<br />

Mediterranean, even in its more stable eastern end, during ‘‘the<br />

Pirenne period’’ ’ (CS 271)—which we had never denied, characterizing<br />

the period as one <strong>of</strong> dramatic abatement. We are<br />

credited with a ‘nice reading <strong>of</strong> the few available documents’<br />

(ibid.). But we also downplay ‘decades <strong>of</strong> archaeological research’,<br />

even though the low-level connectivity that we were<br />

3 He also, surprisingly, misreads us on some minor matters: we do not<br />

adopt Rappaport’s model <strong>of</strong> human ecology—rather the reverse; and our<br />

comment that anthropology must be fully historical if it is to shed light on<br />

the longue durée is taken out <strong>of</strong> context and treated as a general dictum<br />

(Driessen 529, 530; CS 47, 473).

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