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Practical Mediterraneanism 55<br />

<strong>of</strong> ‘open’ (morally suspect) and ‘closed’ (morally safe) space, 25<br />

are common, and reproduce the deliberate architectonics <strong>of</strong><br />

concealment characteristic <strong>of</strong> many rural societies in the<br />

region. 26 In Muslim countries, the veil and the latticed balcony<br />

afford greater protection in large public spaces, but are <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

less frequently observed in cities than in the countryside. The<br />

dialectics <strong>of</strong> openness and closure are heavily gendered; they are<br />

also associated with the control <strong>of</strong> personal information—<br />

indeed, in Greece the literature clearly indicates a parallel between<br />

sexual and other forms <strong>of</strong> moral continence on the one<br />

hand and the regulation <strong>of</strong> gossip and demeanour on the other.<br />

It is interesting to note Horden and Purcell’s adoption <strong>of</strong> the<br />

‘Corrupting Sea’ label in this context, 27 for clearly the Mediterranean<br />

was especially significant inasmuch as it appeared to<br />

dissolve the firm boundaries <strong>of</strong> a lost golden age. All classification<br />

systems, including bureaucracies, treat poorly defined entities<br />

as polluting or corrupt; 28 and so it was with ‘the<br />

Mediterranean’. And it is also relevant that ‘corruption’ is<br />

associated in popular images in the First World with the idea<br />

<strong>of</strong> a ‘typically’ Mediterranean society.<br />

Thus, while urbanity might provide a model for a powerful<br />

culture, it also provided a speculative account <strong>of</strong> its eventual<br />

ruin. This is an old theme, and not only in the Mediterranean. 29<br />

Nazi hatred <strong>of</strong> the Jews, in particular, was argued partly on the<br />

basis that the Jews’ allegedly urban proclivities—deriving from<br />

that same Mediterranean Sea where the Nazis also claimed<br />

ancestry from Hellas—were ipso facto corrupt and polluting. 30<br />

It is a sad confirmation <strong>of</strong> such ideas that we soon find an<br />

elected Canadian government rejecting Jewish refugees from<br />

25<br />

See, e.g. Renée Hirschon, ‘Open Body/Closed Space: The Transformation<br />

<strong>of</strong> Female Sexuality’, in Shirley Ardener (ed.), Defining Females<br />

(London, 1978), 66–88.<br />

26<br />

e.g., Ernestine Friedl, Vasilika: A Village in Modern Greece (New York,<br />

1962), 14.<br />

27<br />

CS 278.<br />

28<br />

Here I am invoking a notion that has been taken as virtually a commonplace<br />

ever since the publication <strong>of</strong> Mary Douglas’s magisterial Purity and<br />

Danger: An Analysis <strong>of</strong> Concepts <strong>of</strong> Purity and Taboo (London, 1966).<br />

29<br />

Raymond Williams, The Country and the City (London, 1973).<br />

30<br />

George L. Mosse, Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern<br />

Europe (New York, 1985).

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