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The Mediterranean and Ancient History 23<br />

being so obviously deep-rooted in time, and it is <strong>of</strong>ten said to be<br />

distinctively Mediterranean. 66 Which may suggest that a practice<br />

can be distinctive but at the same time not defining.<br />

What Horden and Purcell insist on as the peculiarity <strong>of</strong><br />

Mediterranean food production is that it was especially full <strong>of</strong><br />

risk. 67 The risks are clear enough: the difficulty is that risk is<br />

also the chronic condition <strong>of</strong> pre-modern farmers (and not only<br />

pre-modern ones), in plenty <strong>of</strong> other places, such as, purely for<br />

the sake <strong>of</strong> example, China and tropical Africa. 68 ‘It is the<br />

frequency <strong>of</strong> change from year to year, in both production and<br />

distribution, that makes Mediterranean history distinctive’, it is<br />

said. 69 That would be hard to establish. ‘In France, there were<br />

sixteen nation-wide famines between 1700 and 1789’. 70<br />

A stronger meaning <strong>of</strong> Mediterranean ecological unity<br />

depends on whether local economies are solidly connected to<br />

the wider Mediterranean (and disconnected from other parts<br />

<strong>of</strong> the world?). If a great many people who lived on the Mediterranean’s<br />

shores at any particular time were autarkic fishermen<br />

or pastoralists or farmers, then the Mediterranean was not<br />

in this sense a unit. And in that case we should rate the Mediterranean<br />

less important at the date in question than other<br />

realms <strong>of</strong> connectedness such as the micro-microregion (if<br />

such a phrase is allowed) or a great river valley. But what in<br />

any case constitutes a connection? Not only cabotage, longrange<br />

trade, piracy and migration, but many other forms <strong>of</strong><br />

human and also non-human movement, including the spread<br />

<strong>of</strong> plants and <strong>of</strong> diseases.<br />

66 See for instance P. Garnsey, Famine and Food Supply in the Graeco-<br />

Roman World (Cambridge, 1988), 201.<br />

67 CS 178, 287. The notion that it was environmental risk that led ancient<br />

Mediterranean communities to communicate with one another seems particularly<br />

unsupported.<br />

68 In a survey <strong>of</strong> world pastoralism, the only region where risk management,<br />

rather than pr<strong>of</strong>it maximization, is said to be the aim is as it happens the<br />

Andes: D. L. Brownan, ‘High Altitude Camelid Pastoralism <strong>of</strong> the Andes’, in<br />

J. G. Galaty and D. L. Johnson (eds.), The World <strong>of</strong> Pastoralism: Herding<br />

Systems in Comparative Perspective (New York and London, 1990), 323–52:<br />

325–6.<br />

69 CS 74.<br />

70 M. J. Daunton, Progress and Poverty: An Economic and Social History <strong>of</strong><br />

Britain 1700–1850 (Oxford, 1995), 56.

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