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184 Travel Sickness<br />

ation <strong>of</strong> general medicine known as the Medicina Plinii was<br />

packaged as advice for travellers who would otherwise be at<br />

the mercy <strong>of</strong> ignorant and expensive quacks. 20 There, it is the<br />

perceived need <strong>of</strong> self-help that slants the text towards mobility.<br />

But the ninth-century medical handbook <strong>of</strong> Ibn al-Jazzar entitled,<br />

impartially, Provisions for the Traveller and Nourishment<br />

for the Sedentary, was addressed to physicians. 21 It was for use<br />

in regular consultation, even though its title suggested to Manfred<br />

Ullmann that its overt appeal was to ‘Jedermann’. 22 In the<br />

eleventh century it was translated into Greek by one Constantine<br />

<strong>of</strong> Reggio, as the Ephodia tou apodemountos, and, in 1124,<br />

into Latin by ‘the’ Constantine—Constantine the African—as<br />

the Viaticum peregrinantis. 23 Both these translations obscured<br />

its titular appeal to the sedentary, however. It passed into the<br />

European medical curriculum <strong>of</strong> Bologna, Montpellier, and<br />

elsewhere as part <strong>of</strong> the Articella. 24 That guidance for travellers<br />

could subsume all the basics <strong>of</strong> medical learning thus in a sense<br />

became very widely accepted. What could the implication <strong>of</strong> the<br />

title Viaticum have been? That we are all in a literal sense<br />

travellers, all mobile at one stage or another? Or that, in some<br />

higher sense, we are all on the journey, the pilgrimage, <strong>of</strong> life?<br />

20 Prologue, Plinii Secundi Iunioris qui feruntur de medicina libri tres, ed. A.<br />

Önnerfors, Corpus Medicorum Latinorum 3 (Berlin, 1964), 4.<br />

21 Ibn al-Jazzar on Sexual Diseases and their Treatment: A Critical Edition<br />

<strong>of</strong> ‘Zad al-musafir wa-qut al-hadir, Provisions for the Traveller and Nourishment<br />

for the Sedentary, Book 6, ed. and trans. G. Bos (London and New York,<br />

1997), 8; M. G. Dugat, ‘Études sur le traité de médecine d’Abou Djàfar<br />

Ah’mad’, Journal Asiatique, 5th ser., 1 (1853), 287–353. Here and in what<br />

follows Arabic is represented in ‘open transliteration’.<br />

22 M. Ullmann, ‘Neues zu den diätetischen Schriften des Rufus von Ephesos’,<br />

Medizinhistorisches Journal 9 (1974), 23–40, at 38.<br />

23 M. F. Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages: The ‘Viaticum’ and its<br />

Commentaries (Philadelphia, 1990), ch. 2, for bibliography; C. Burnett and<br />

D. Jacquart (eds.), Constantine the African and ‘Ali ibn l-‘Abbas al Magusi:<br />

The ‘Pantegni’ and Related Works, Studies in Ancient Medicine 10 (Leiden,<br />

1996).<br />

24 On the articella, see C. O’Boyle, The Art <strong>of</strong> Medicine: Medical Teaching<br />

at the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Paris, 1250–1400 (Leiden, 1998). See also J. Arrizabalaga,<br />

‘The Death <strong>of</strong> a Medieval Text: The Articella and the Early Press,’ in<br />

R. French, J. Arrizabalaga, A. Cunningham, and L. García-Ballester (eds.)<br />

Medicine from the Black Death to the French Disease (Aldershot, 1998), 185–6,<br />

for summary and full bibliography.

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