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The Mediterranean and Ancient History 37<br />

regretted, for all over the region, through much, though not all,<br />

<strong>of</strong> its history, there are unresolved historical problems about the<br />

role <strong>of</strong> the state in all sorts <strong>of</strong> matters which Horden and Purcell<br />

consider to be part <strong>of</strong> their subject, such as economic connectedness<br />

and water management. To argue that the role <strong>of</strong> the<br />

state was always trivial, in the face <strong>of</strong> such phenomena as state<br />

management <strong>of</strong>, or at least involvement with, major rivers (the<br />

Nile above all, but not only the Nile), the creation under the<br />

Roman Empire <strong>of</strong> a large number <strong>of</strong> truly extraordinary aqueducts<br />

125 and an equally extraordinary network <strong>of</strong> public roads,<br />

and the more-or-less constant anxiety <strong>of</strong> ancient governments<br />

about the grain supply, would be to distance oneself quite far<br />

from the evidence. 126<br />

More generally, all forms <strong>of</strong> power, state power and individual<br />

power over other individuals, tend to be eliminated from this<br />

account. Neither empire nor social class receives much attention.<br />

When the power <strong>of</strong> the state comes back in, 127 it is only for<br />

a moment. It is consistent with this that our authors seem to<br />

take a quite optimistic view <strong>of</strong> human nature: they use such<br />

phrases as ‘sensible and responsible way <strong>of</strong> managing’, and<br />

‘niches, exploited with tenacity and ingenuity since time immemorial’.<br />

The fittest, those who survive, are those who<br />

‘review . . . their portfolios frequently’, a surprising metaphor.<br />

128<br />

Horden and Purcell’s strong tendency to reject categories<br />

appears to be part <strong>of</strong> a general reluctance to draw historical<br />

conclusions, 129 or to give shape to historical change. Their<br />

125<br />

It is impossible to resist mentioning the extreme case, the aqueduct <strong>of</strong><br />

Roman Apamea, which was about 150 kms long: J.-C. Balty, ‘Problèmes de<br />

l’eau à Apamée de Syrie’, in P. Louis, F. Métral, and J. Métral (eds.),<br />

L’Homme et l’eau en Méditerranée et du Proche Orient (Paris and Lyon,<br />

1987), iv. 11–23: 16–21. Later, a delightful Arabic story about a beautiful<br />

princess was necessary in order to explain it.<br />

126<br />

On the state and the Roman economy cf. W. V. Harris, ‘Roman Governments<br />

and Commerce, 300 BC–AD 300’, in C. Zaccagnini (ed.), Mercanti e<br />

politica nel mondo antico (Bari and Rome, 2003), 279–309.<br />

127<br />

CS 86, 87, for instance.<br />

128<br />

CS 221, 75, 58.<br />

129<br />

According to CS 74 you cannot therefore properly generalize about the<br />

prosperity or desolation <strong>of</strong> regions. Or (more plausibly) you cannot generalize<br />

about the economies or societies <strong>of</strong> mountain regions (pp. 80–1). But <strong>of</strong> course

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