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212 The View from the Customs House<br />

thought to be a decisive differentiator: in the papyrus 42 ships<br />

are registered during the year, which does not seem very many,<br />

for all the richness <strong>of</strong> their cargoes. Figures from the strazzetto,<br />

the tax exclusively on transit goods, at Genoa in 1445, however,<br />

rather similarly refer to 70 voyages made by 52 Genoese and 12<br />

foreign boats. 32<br />

Or take the case <strong>of</strong> a prosperous port in the south-west <strong>of</strong><br />

England, Exeter, where the customs records are unusually well<br />

preserved. 33 Over a period <strong>of</strong> 55 years at the end <strong>of</strong> the fourteenth<br />

century, 641 arrivals <strong>of</strong> 302 individual ships (half based<br />

in Devon) with dutiable cargoes were recorded (a considerably<br />

smaller number per annum than the anonymous port <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Canopic mouth in 475 bc). Imports were overwhelmingly<br />

more important than exports; a rough breakdown by yield <strong>of</strong><br />

the commodities taxed is manufactured goods 6%, raw materials<br />

7%, materials for the textile industry 10%, foodstuffs 24% (including<br />

some notable imports <strong>of</strong> cereals, as the period in question<br />

covers some notable years <strong>of</strong> dearth in local cereals), and<br />

wine 53%. The goods were already in the possession <strong>of</strong>, or<br />

would be bought by, the civic elite, who intended to retail<br />

them at a pr<strong>of</strong>it; the duties provided 8–9% <strong>of</strong> the city’s revenue.<br />

This was no Antwerp; but it was fairly typical <strong>of</strong> the ports <strong>of</strong> the<br />

narrow seas at this period. Much <strong>of</strong> the detail is perfectly<br />

plausible for an archaic Aeolic Kyme, a Roman Caunus, or a<br />

Byzantine Carales. The way in which immunities were made<br />

available to certain shipowners to articulate a network <strong>of</strong> mutual<br />

cooperation within networks <strong>of</strong> more or less privileged ports is<br />

very suggestive <strong>of</strong> Mediterranean practice. But two things are<br />

quite un-Mediterranean—the asymmetry <strong>of</strong> export and import,<br />

so alien to the banal economic viewpoint <strong>of</strong> ancient ob<strong>server</strong>s<br />

like ‘Hippodamos’; and the density <strong>of</strong> the network. There was a<br />

resemblances to the Middle Ages in the Roman western Mediterranean,<br />

especially Arles.<br />

32<br />

P. Gourdin, ‘Présence génoise en Mediterranée et en Europe au milieu<br />

du XVe siècle: L’implantation des hommes d’affaires d’après un registre<br />

douanière de 1445’, in M. Balard and A. Ducellier (eds.), Coloniser au<br />

Moyen âge (Paris, 1995), 14–35.<br />

33<br />

For what follows, see M. Kowaleski, The Local Customs Accounts <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Port <strong>of</strong> Exeter, 1266–1321 (Exeter, 1993).

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