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Practical Mediterraneanism 63<br />

countries to foist upon them, and to live with the consequences.<br />

This is a spectacular case <strong>of</strong> visiting the sins <strong>of</strong> the children<br />

upon the fathers. A critical study <strong>of</strong> Mediterranean identities is<br />

not necessarily and should not be, an act <strong>of</strong> ‘Mediterraneanism’.<br />

It can instead be a critical response to such essentializing discourses.<br />

To become that response, however, it must entail full<br />

recognition <strong>of</strong> the extent to which it is itself enmeshed in political<br />

and ideological processes. There is no value in emphasizing<br />

the excesses <strong>of</strong> critique if the alternative is to retreat into another,<br />

no less totalizing and politically insensitive discourse.<br />

For better or for worse, the history <strong>of</strong> even the most distant<br />

Mediterranean pasts is always already politicized—indeed, one<br />

might argue that its distance is precisely what allows politicians<br />

to have their way with the past-in-the-present. And that engagement<br />

is part <strong>of</strong> what creates both the distinctive peculiarities<br />

<strong>of</strong> the microregions <strong>of</strong> the Mediterranean and the<br />

occasionally compelling sense that it does, after all, have quite<br />

a lot in common. Here, too, the discursive community <strong>of</strong> disciplinary<br />

practitioners, in Lederman’s sense, exemplifies the<br />

trade-<strong>of</strong>fs between conceptual expediency and critical knowledge<br />

that we can none <strong>of</strong> us entirely sidestep, but toward<br />

which we must always maintain a critically vigilant and politically<br />

sceptical stance. In that sense, we do indeed have a lot to<br />

talk about.

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