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224 The View from the Customs House<br />

clusion, however, is that the Athenians knew that there was no<br />

member-state, however small, which did not have the machinery<br />

and the ambition to collect at least some monies in this way<br />

by 413 bc. The bulk <strong>of</strong> their tribute too had derived from<br />

numerous small contributions from tiny states. 65 It is also a<br />

very valuable acquisition that the Athenians felt themselves<br />

capable <strong>of</strong> calculating approximate figures involved, for some<br />

200 separate communities. It is also apparent that they cannot<br />

have thought that this measure would bring them less revenue<br />

than had the phoros, which suggests high levels <strong>of</strong> taxable commerce<br />

in the late fifth-century Aegean. 66 It also seems likely to<br />

indicate the relative indifference <strong>of</strong> traders to burdens <strong>of</strong> this<br />

kind. Consider two propositions: ‘The Athenians, perceiving<br />

that the levying <strong>of</strong> tribute was costly and unpopular, resolved<br />

instead to rest their future fortunes on the appropriation <strong>of</strong> the<br />

monies which were extorted from ailing traders whose livelihoods<br />

were already on the line because <strong>of</strong> intervention <strong>of</strong> this<br />

sort’; and ‘the Athenians, looking for a relatively painless and<br />

guaranteed throughput <strong>of</strong> funds resolved to tax the dynamism<br />

inherent in the circulation <strong>of</strong> goods on which all ancient states<br />

depended.’ I know which I find more plausible.<br />

The Aristotelian Athenian Constitution makes a famous statement<br />

<strong>of</strong> the nature <strong>of</strong> Athenian power: Athens could maintain<br />

(trephesthai—that is feed, sustain) 20,000 people on its fiscal<br />

base. 67 There follows a long list <strong>of</strong> those maintained at public<br />

expense. The money came from phoroi, naturally; but also from<br />

65 Nixon and Price, ‘The Size’. L. Kallet-Marx, Money, Expense, and<br />

Naval Power in Thucydides’ History 1–5.24 (Berkeley, 1993), 8, also stresses<br />

small contributors, and recognizes the different logic <strong>of</strong> their relationship with<br />

the imperial power.<br />

66 It is therefore generally agreed that the yield <strong>of</strong> the empire’s harbour<br />

taxes must be approximately equal to the attested size <strong>of</strong> the tribute over the<br />

immediately previous years. A simple multiplication sum should give the<br />

historian a datum fit to conjure with: the notional value <strong>of</strong> all goods moving<br />

in the Athenian arche outside the Piraeus and the other ports <strong>of</strong> Attica.<br />

67 Ath.Pol. 24. 3, with P. J. Rhodes, Commentary, more cautious than<br />

Pébarthe, ‘Fiscalité’, at 48, with n. 17. What is meant by trephesthai? Not<br />

‘bénéficier’ (Pébarthe, 49). 1 talent sufficed for 20 citizens p.a. at this rate: L.<br />

Foxhall and H. Forbes, ‘Sitometreia: The Role <strong>of</strong> Grain as a Staple Food in<br />

Classical Antiquity’, Chiron 12 (1982), 41–90. The yield <strong>of</strong> Piraeus would have<br />

‘maintained’ 720 citizens.

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