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Four Years <strong>of</strong> Corruption 355<br />

2. les auteurs ne se noient jamais dans leur<br />

méditerranée: 17 theory and scope<br />

We turn now from reviews that have not been written, or not<br />

written from all the disciplinary standpoints that we had hoped<br />

for, to the reviews as they are. Paradoxically some <strong>of</strong> the most<br />

complimentary passages are the ones that, for us, raise the most<br />

troubling questions about the purposes and scope <strong>of</strong> CS. Gratifyingly,<br />

we have been seen as advancing a novel theory <strong>of</strong><br />

Mediterranean history: ‘a genuinely new thalassology’ (Peters<br />

2003: 56); ‘un ouvrage phare’ (D’Hautcourt 2001: 221); ‘a<br />

substantial new approach’ (Fentress and Fentress 2001: 203),<br />

etc. But then, very reasonably, we are taxed with the ways in<br />

which the enterprise thus described does not quite work, at least<br />

as an all-embracing theory (e.g. Fentress and Fentress 2001:<br />

210–11; Shaw 2001: 434 ff.). Perhaps we should first try to<br />

remind our readers (and ourselves) what we thought we were<br />

attempting.<br />

At the very least we were, in the words <strong>of</strong> the ninth-century<br />

author <strong>of</strong> a history <strong>of</strong> the Britons known as Nennius, ‘making a<br />

heap’ <strong>of</strong> all that we had found. We wanted the illustrative<br />

vignettes in the chapters and the parallel discussion <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Bibliographical Essays to have a value independent <strong>of</strong> the arguments<br />

advanced. At the next level up, we hoped to <strong>of</strong>fer illuminating<br />

comparisons across the various supposed divisions<br />

between prehistory and history, history and anthropology, and<br />

(above all) Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Our aim was to<br />

discover on what basis one might treat ancient and medieval<br />

Mediterranean history as a single field <strong>of</strong> enquiry and how far<br />

an approach derived ultimately from Braudel enabled us to<br />

cross the boundaries that scholarship seemed to have erected.<br />

To that extent we thoroughly endorse Herzfeld’s verdict in this<br />

volume. To think in terms <strong>of</strong> Mediterranean history is, for us,<br />

an ‘excuse’ for ‘creating new [scholarly] alliances and agglomerations<br />

to generate novel and interesting heuristic options’. It<br />

is an ‘excuse’ to undermine the now, on the whole, more usual<br />

agglomerations <strong>of</strong> European and Middle Eastern, and ancient<br />

and medieval, historiography by (re)creating a tertium genus.<br />

17 D’Hautcourt 221.

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