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Practical Mediterraneanism 61<br />

In an article that otherwise faithfully reproduces the classic<br />

Mediterraneanist position, Anton Blok makes the very interesting<br />

point that ideas about honour in industrial societies tended<br />

to disappear from the local level and become instead part <strong>of</strong> the<br />

apparatus <strong>of</strong> national identity. 38 National identity became the<br />

only legitimate kind. Blok clearly sees this as a sort <strong>of</strong> Eliasian<br />

civilizing process, one that can be plotted along a more or less<br />

unilinear model <strong>of</strong> evolutionary progression. (Contrary to what<br />

they appear to think, Horden and Purcell and I are actually in<br />

agreement in rejecting this kind <strong>of</strong> evolutionism.) On that logic,<br />

we may suppose, once certain Mediterranean countries become<br />

powerful modern states in their own right, we should expect the<br />

same development to occur there as well. The point is not that it<br />

does so as a matter <strong>of</strong> (evolutionary) course, but that the evolutionary<br />

argument becomes part <strong>of</strong> the overall logic <strong>of</strong> the assumption<br />

<strong>of</strong> state power—and this is a rhetoric that the most<br />

absurdly self-Mediterraneanizing <strong>of</strong> regimes, that <strong>of</strong> the Greek<br />

colonels (1967–74), was very happy to use, with its defensive<br />

posture rejecting every exposure <strong>of</strong> internal cultural intimacies<br />

as an insult to national pride. The expression <strong>of</strong> outraged dignity<br />

is clearly the privilege <strong>of</strong> those with the power to do<br />

something about it, while those whose power is literally emasculated<br />

by a repressive system appear to ‘compensate’ by competing<br />

in a game <strong>of</strong> honour. 39 That game, while it allows weaker<br />

players to gain small stakes in a face-to-face game, condemns<br />

them to perpetual marginality on larger stages. In this sense,<br />

what works for the rural poor facing a national elite also works<br />

for weak countries facing international power brokers; and at<br />

both levels, too, the mantle <strong>of</strong> ‘tradition’ becomes instead the<br />

dead weight <strong>of</strong> ‘traditionalism,’ the honour <strong>of</strong> past glory transmuted<br />

into the opprobrium <strong>of</strong> present backwardness. This is a<br />

non-evolutionary and discursive adaptation <strong>of</strong> Blok’s argument<br />

that will, I think, work quite well in explaining why the stereotype<br />

<strong>of</strong> Mediterrnean culture and society has continued to<br />

38 Anton Blok, ‘Rams and Billy-Goats: A Key to the Mediterranean Code<br />

<strong>of</strong> Honour’, Man (ns) 16 (1981), 427–40.<br />

39 See especially David D. Gilmore, ‘Introduction: The Shame <strong>of</strong> Dishonor’,<br />

in David D. Gilmore (ed.), Honor and Shame and the Unity <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Mediterranean (Washington, 1987), 14.

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