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intervention strategies for renovation of social housing estates

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Social <strong>housing</strong> <strong>renovation</strong> Italy: which solutions in Dutch <strong>housing</strong> management model? Chapter 3<br />

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FINANCIAL SUPPORT<br />

As stated above, direct financial support <strong>for</strong> <strong>housing</strong> associations has been diminished.<br />

During the 1990s, brick-and-mortar subsidies, exploitation grants and central government<br />

loans have been abolished. Indirect financial support still exists through:<br />

- some tax benefits, although these have been partly abolished since 2006;<br />

- <strong>housing</strong> grants to individual households;<br />

- the backing up <strong>of</strong> a guarantee structure <strong>for</strong> the <strong>social</strong> rented sector (see below).<br />

In principle, the Dutch <strong>social</strong> rented sector is expected to act as a ‘revolving fund’ in which<br />

financial returns are reinvested in the interest <strong>of</strong> <strong>housing</strong>. Furthermore, a financial guarantee<br />

structure has been established which provides associations with good access to the capital<br />

market. Associations’ loans can be guaranteed by the national Social Housing Guarantee<br />

Fund (“Waarborgfonds Sociale Woningbouw” - WSW), which is filled by fees from the<br />

associations and backed up by the government. Associations that are no longer able to<br />

secure their financial viability can apply <strong>for</strong> financial support from the Central Housing Fund<br />

(see e.g. Boelhouwer, 1997). As part <strong>of</strong> the revolving fund, ‘rich’ associations with few tasks<br />

at hand are expected to help ‘poor’ associations with many tasks in their locality, <strong>for</strong> example<br />

by providing loans against low interest rates. However, this ‘matching’ <strong>of</strong> means and tasks<br />

has been a marginal phenomenon until now. On average, Dutch <strong>housing</strong> associations are in a<br />

relatively good financial position, although there are considerable differences between<br />

individual landlords.<br />

3.2.1) ASSET MANAGEMENT IN THE NETHERLANDS<br />

The asset management <strong>of</strong> <strong>social</strong> landlords is considerably influenced by the political and<br />

economic context in which they operate. After decades <strong>of</strong> strong central government<br />

<strong>intervention</strong> in the <strong>housing</strong> market, the Dutch national government policy has embraced the<br />

rein<strong>for</strong>cement <strong>of</strong> market principles in <strong>social</strong> <strong>housing</strong>. As part <strong>of</strong> this policy, <strong>housing</strong><br />

associations have gained much more administrative freedom. At the same time, direct<br />

financial support <strong>for</strong> <strong>social</strong> <strong>housing</strong> management has been completely withdrawn. This is<br />

unique, even within Western Europe (e.g. Boelhouwer, 1997, 1999). The new policy context<br />

has set considerable challenges <strong>for</strong> the asset management <strong>of</strong> Dutch <strong>social</strong> landlords. Being<br />

trans<strong>for</strong>med from operational, task-oriented organizations towards ‘<strong>social</strong> entrepreneurs’,<br />

they have to operate in a more strategic, market-oriented way. As a result, there has been<br />

wide interest among associations in methods and instruments to support asset management<br />

in a more systematic and business-like manner.<br />

Despite their financial independence, <strong>housing</strong> associations have been able to remain solvent<br />

and even to improve their financial situation. This can be explained from the following factors<br />

(Priemus, 2001; Gruis and Nieboer, 2007):<br />

- Existing financial reserves. Most <strong>housing</strong> associations emerged from the 1990s in<br />

a relatively prosperous state, due to the moderate interest rate since 1995 and their<br />

‘hidden’ resources due to undervaluation <strong>of</strong> their properties in their financial<br />

accounts;<br />

- Rental income. In the beginning <strong>of</strong> the 1990s, the national government decided to<br />

set the average yearly rent-increase <strong>for</strong> <strong>social</strong> landlords at least at 1% above the<br />

inflation rate. This real rent-increase was intended to promote cost-covering rents<br />

and thus to reduce the need <strong>for</strong> property subsidy. These real rent-increases have<br />

helped <strong>housing</strong> associations to build up their financial reserves.<br />

- Property development. Many associations have become active in the more<br />

lucrative development <strong>of</strong> expensive rental dwellings and owner-occupied dwellings,<br />

which generated surplus means to invest in <strong>social</strong> <strong>housing</strong> or to strengthen the<br />

financial reserves.<br />

- Sales have increased substantially during the nineties. The number <strong>of</strong><br />

dwellings sold by <strong>housing</strong> associations has increased from 2,000 in 1990 to over<br />

20,000 in the late nineties. The proceedings from the sales have been much higher<br />

13. C<br />

FINANCIAL<br />

SUPPORT<br />

IMPROVEMENT OF<br />

FINANCIAL<br />

SITUATION

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