Agent of Democracy - Society for College and University Planning
Agent of Democracy - Society for College and University Planning
Agent of Democracy - Society for College and University Planning
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Reconstructing a Democratic Tradition<br />
as public work: work that Harry Boyte defines as “sustained ef<strong>for</strong>t<br />
by a mix <strong>of</strong> people who solve public problems or create goods,<br />
material or cultural, <strong>of</strong> general benefit.” 5<br />
The academic revolution included the emergence <strong>of</strong> the research<br />
university <strong>and</strong> the accompanying process <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essionalizing<br />
the academic calling. According to Richard H<strong>of</strong>stadter, during the<br />
academic revolution scholars began to overcome their “traditional<br />
civic passivity <strong>and</strong> take an active part in the shaping <strong>of</strong> political<br />
events.” Armed with “empirical specialized skills,” H<strong>of</strong>stadter<br />
writes, scholars had “not only prestige but some real marketable<br />
advice to bring to public life.” For the first time, “the pr<strong>of</strong>ession<br />
developed the capacity both <strong>for</strong> large-scale innovative work in<br />
scholarship <strong>and</strong> <strong>for</strong> social criticism <strong>and</strong> practical contribution to<br />
the political dialogue <strong>of</strong> American society.” 6<br />
In exercising the capacity to take up the academic pr<strong>of</strong>ession’s<br />
expert <strong>and</strong> social critic roles, scholars encountered an important<br />
dilemma: how <strong>and</strong> <strong>for</strong> what purposes they should relate their<br />
expertise to the process <strong>and</strong> work <strong>of</strong> democracy. While engaging<br />
in democracy <strong>of</strong>fered potential benefits, it also carried potential<br />
risks. For example, if we take democracy to mean rule by the people,<br />
or “self-rule,” as historian Robert Wiebe puts it, there was (<strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />
course still is) a risk <strong>of</strong> becoming engaged in it in technocratic ways<br />
that disempower, sideline, or marginalize citizens. 7<br />
The history <strong>of</strong> how scholars have perceived <strong>and</strong> worked<br />
through the dilemma <strong>of</strong> the relation <strong>of</strong> expertise <strong>and</strong> democracy (or<br />
failed to do so) is highly complex <strong>and</strong> many sided, conditioned<br />
by situation, context, discipline, institutional type, <strong>and</strong> many other<br />
matters. Despite this complexity, it is possible to identify three different<br />
perspectives on the dilemma, tied to three positions in the<br />
5 H. C. Boyte, Everyday Politics: Reconnecting Citizens <strong>and</strong> Public Life (Philadelphia,<br />
PA: <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Pennsylvania Press, 2004), 5.<br />
6 R. H<strong>of</strong>stadter, “The Revolution in Higher Education,” in Paths <strong>of</strong> American Thought,<br />
(eds.) A. M. Schlesinger, Jr. <strong>and</strong> M. White (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1963),<br />
287-288.<br />
7 See R. H. Wiebe, Self-Rule: A Cultural History <strong>of</strong> American <strong>Democracy</strong> (Chicago:<br />
<strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Chicago Press, 1995).<br />
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