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Agent of Democracy - Society for College and University Planning

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The Makings <strong>of</strong> a Public<br />

should do. We deliberate well when we have a sense <strong>of</strong> what good<br />

ends are, <strong>and</strong> these too can only be arrived at through practical<br />

deliberation, not scientific knowledge.<br />

Yet the <strong>for</strong>m that Habermas’<br />

“The ancient view <strong>of</strong><br />

conversation holds that<br />

reasoning itself is a social<br />

event. We reason with others<br />

though our conversing,<br />

not merely in the presence<br />

<strong>of</strong> others.”<br />

(“Getting the Public’s Intelligence,”<br />

HEX, 2004.)<br />

political questions take is more<br />

akin to questions <strong>of</strong> knowledge<br />

than questions <strong>of</strong> purpose. In fact<br />

he is quite explicit about this. Normative<br />

questions can be answered<br />

<strong>for</strong>mally <strong>and</strong> cognitively, <strong>and</strong><br />

their answers are either universally<br />

valid or not. These answers<br />

are found through the back-<strong>and</strong><strong>for</strong>th<br />

<strong>of</strong> conversation when all<br />

who are potentially affected have<br />

an opportunity to weigh in on<br />

whether the proposed policy<br />

would be best <strong>for</strong> all. Ultimately, in this round-robin conversation,<br />

the <strong>for</strong>ce <strong>of</strong> the better argument will prevail.<br />

Note how different this is from the “engaged evaluation”<br />

that Derrida says is called <strong>for</strong> in <strong>for</strong>ming public opinion. 17 Recall:<br />

“this judgment is not some knowledge, but an engaged evaluation,<br />

a voluntary act. It always takes the <strong>for</strong>m <strong>of</strong> a ‘judgment’ (yes or no).”<br />

Habermas also sees the end result <strong>of</strong> deliberation as <strong>for</strong>ming a kind<br />

<strong>of</strong> public opinion—public will—that, normatively, should exercise<br />

control <strong>of</strong> sorts over parliamentary politics. But where Derrida’s<br />

public judgment is <strong>for</strong>med through engagement, decision, a yes or<br />

no, Habermas’ is <strong>for</strong>med through a cognitive appraisal <strong>of</strong> which<br />

policy is right, an appraisal that will lead to unanimity on which<br />

policy meets the test <strong>of</strong> universalizibility. The less tainted by parochial<br />

concerns, by matters <strong>of</strong> solidarity <strong>and</strong> self-underst<strong>and</strong>ing,<br />

the better.<br />

Does a public <strong>for</strong>m itself in a Habermasian deliberation? In the<br />

back-<strong>and</strong>-<strong>for</strong>th <strong>of</strong> argumentation, there is little room <strong>for</strong> the sharing<br />

17 Op cit., 90.<br />

183

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