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Rediscovering Europe in the Netherlands - St Antony's College ...

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ediscover<strong>in</strong>g europe <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> ne<strong>the</strong>rlands<br />

system, whereas <strong>in</strong> reality <strong>the</strong> activities of <strong>the</strong> eu <strong>in</strong> that area are limited to<br />

cross-border problems. A constitutional safeguard would offer a degree of<br />

certa<strong>in</strong>ty on this po<strong>in</strong>t and thus help to quell <strong>the</strong>se fears. Many uncerta<strong>in</strong>ties<br />

about <strong>Europe</strong>an co-operation are <strong>the</strong> result of <strong>the</strong> dynamic nature of<br />

that co-operation. It is precisely <strong>the</strong> stable character of a Constitution that<br />

can offer an appropriate response to this.<br />

Constitutional safeguards as an accountability mechanism<br />

Dutch courts are not allowed to review <strong>the</strong> constitutionality of legislation<br />

(Article 120 of <strong>the</strong> Constitution). In this respect, <strong>the</strong> situation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands also differs from that of many of <strong>the</strong> neighbour<strong>in</strong>g countries,<br />

which often have separate constitutional courts charged with review<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>the</strong> constitutionality of <strong>the</strong> exercise of public authority. The German<br />

Bundesverfassungsgericht mentioned above and <strong>the</strong> Constitutional Court<br />

<strong>in</strong> Belgium, are good examples, while Austria, Italy, Spa<strong>in</strong>, Portugal and<br />

many of <strong>the</strong> countries that jo<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> eu <strong>in</strong> 2004 have established special<br />

Constitutional courts. Meanwhile, <strong>the</strong> National Convention has called for<br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>troduction of a Constitutional Court <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands. 5<br />

102<br />

The experiences of o<strong>the</strong>r countries <strong>in</strong>dicate that constitutional courts can<br />

also play a legitimis<strong>in</strong>g role <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>Europe</strong>an co-operation. By<br />

subject<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> ratification of <strong>Europe</strong>an treaties to constitutional review,<br />

enter<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to new relations at <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an level would not just be subject<br />

to Parliamentary review , but also by an <strong>in</strong>dependent judicial authority.<br />

The practicalities of <strong>the</strong> rul<strong>in</strong>gs by <strong>the</strong> German Bundesverfassungsgericht<br />

on <strong>the</strong> ratification of basic treaties are well known, also to <strong>the</strong> general<br />

public (with <strong>the</strong> Maastricht Urteil be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> most renowned). In this sense,<br />

a Constitutional Court may also offer an alternative to organis<strong>in</strong>g referenda<br />

dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> ratification phase.<br />

Secondly, specific <strong>Europe</strong>an legislation could be reviewed <strong>in</strong>directly on<br />

<strong>the</strong> basis of <strong>the</strong> implement<strong>in</strong>g legislation. The Constitutional Court <strong>in</strong><br />

Germany, for example, reviewed <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>troduction of <strong>the</strong> euro and <strong>the</strong><br />

<strong>Europe</strong>an arrest warrant. In <strong>the</strong> latter case, <strong>the</strong> German court decided that<br />

<strong>the</strong> marg<strong>in</strong> of appreciation left by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an framework decision had<br />

been <strong>in</strong>correctly <strong>in</strong>terpreted. This isolated <strong>the</strong> fact that responsibility for<br />

<strong>the</strong> constitutional <strong>in</strong>fr<strong>in</strong>gement <strong>in</strong> this case lay with national politicians,<br />

and could not be attributed to <strong>the</strong> underly<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Europe</strong>an decision. Constitutional<br />

review thus makes it more difficult for policy makers to use <strong>the</strong><br />

eu as a scapegoat for <strong>the</strong>ir own policy fail<strong>in</strong>gs. Constitutional review can<br />

provide an <strong>in</strong>centive for Parliament not to allow itself to be dom<strong>in</strong>ated by<br />

<strong>the</strong> government <strong>in</strong> eu matters, and to take its own responsibilities more<br />

seriously. This would bolster ex post accountability (<strong>the</strong> possibility that <strong>the</strong>

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