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Rediscovering Europe in the Netherlands - St Antony's College ...

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ediscover<strong>in</strong>g europe <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> ne<strong>the</strong>rlands<br />

<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>m th<strong>in</strong>k it is natural to be governed by <strong>the</strong> rules that apply with<strong>in</strong><br />

that system (Easton 1965; Beetham and Lord 1998: 1).<br />

Complications result<strong>in</strong>g from <strong>the</strong> specific nature of <strong>the</strong> eu<br />

When consider<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> issue of legitimacy, it must first be borne <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d<br />

that legitimacy is closely connected to <strong>the</strong> historical development of <strong>the</strong><br />

nation-state, and second, that <strong>the</strong> character of <strong>the</strong> eu is contested at a<br />

fundamental level (Friss and Murphy 2000: 228-9). Regard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> first<br />

po<strong>in</strong>t, we must be wary of a state-centric approach <strong>in</strong> any attempts to<br />

streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> legitimacy of eu policy.<br />

42<br />

In this context, <strong>the</strong>re is a tendency to assume that a strong sense of shared<br />

history and culture is a requirement for <strong>the</strong> legitimate function<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong><br />

eu. Those who view <strong>the</strong> eu as an <strong>in</strong>tergovernmental system emphasise<br />

that <strong>the</strong> member states form <strong>the</strong> core of a shared identification; by act<strong>in</strong>g<br />

as representatives of <strong>the</strong> will of <strong>the</strong> people <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> member states, <strong>the</strong>y<br />

<strong>in</strong>directly legitimise <strong>the</strong> decisions of <strong>the</strong> eu. Those who would like to see a<br />

federal future for <strong>the</strong> eu refer to <strong>the</strong> common <strong>Europe</strong>an identity. Although<br />

<strong>the</strong> object of identification may differ, <strong>the</strong>se eu visions still manage to<br />

share a state-centric vision of legitimacy (<strong>in</strong> which identification plays a<br />

central role) (Sie Dhian Ho 2004: 167).<br />

Nei<strong>the</strong>r vision is entirely accurate: <strong>the</strong> eu is not a state, at least not <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> classic Weberian sense of <strong>the</strong> word because, for one, it does not have<br />

a monopoly over <strong>the</strong> lawful use of force, which rema<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> hands<br />

of <strong>the</strong> member states (Hix 2005: 4). Moreover, <strong>the</strong> limited powers and<br />

resources of <strong>the</strong> eu cannot be compared with <strong>the</strong> general tax and budgetary<br />

powers of <strong>the</strong> nation-state (Majone 1998: 10). Nor is <strong>the</strong> eu an<br />

ord<strong>in</strong>ary <strong>in</strong>ternational organisation, due to its unique legal system and<br />

unusual political order it has much greater capacity to <strong>in</strong>tervene <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

economics and politics of <strong>the</strong> member states than o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong>ternational<br />

organisations (Wyncott 2002: 491). Beck (2004) accord<strong>in</strong>gly concludes<br />

that <strong>the</strong> usual concepts and <strong>the</strong>ories fall short of what is needed for a<br />

robust def<strong>in</strong>ition of <strong>the</strong> eu:<br />

Diese historisch e<strong>in</strong>malige und e<strong>in</strong>zigartige Form der zwischenstaatlichten und zwischengesellschaftlichen<br />

Geme<strong>in</strong>schaftsbild<strong>in</strong>g entzieht sich allen gängigen Kategorien und<br />

Konzepten. Am Beispiel Europas zeigt sich besonders deutlich, wie historisch wirklichkeitsfremd<br />

und stumpf unsere politischen Begriffe und das <strong>the</strong>oretische Instrumentarium<br />

der Sozialwissenschaften geworden s<strong>in</strong>d – s<strong>in</strong>d beide doch noch immer <strong>in</strong> dem Denkgebäude<br />

e<strong>in</strong>es methodologischen Nationalismus gefangen. (Beck 2004: 7).

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