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Rediscovering Europe in the Netherlands - St Antony's College ...

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ediscover<strong>in</strong>g europe <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> ne<strong>the</strong>rlands<br />

66<br />

which <strong>the</strong> government would like to streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> legitimacy of eu<br />

policy based on <strong>the</strong> four dimensions cited earlier. Now that <strong>the</strong> economic<br />

and political benefits are no longer always unambiguous, this shortcom<strong>in</strong>g<br />

is even more noticeable. The rare attempts at a debate on <strong>Europe</strong>, such as<br />

<strong>the</strong> debate surround<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an referendum <strong>in</strong> 2005, usually get no<br />

fur<strong>the</strong>r than gross oversimplifications and a discourse that takes too little<br />

account of <strong>the</strong> new forms of adm<strong>in</strong>istration that have become so characteristic<br />

of <strong>the</strong> eu as a political community or polity. Instead, <strong>the</strong> emphasis<br />

is on a black-and-white debate between <strong>the</strong> traditional ‘positive-sum’<br />

approach based on a diplomatic union (‘<strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>in</strong>terest is <strong>the</strong> Dutch<br />

<strong>in</strong>terest’) and, on <strong>the</strong> oppos<strong>in</strong>g side, <strong>the</strong> equally unsubtle ‘zero-sum’<br />

approach (‘more <strong>Europe</strong> means less Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands’). 3 As a result, Dutch citizens<br />

are confronted with what Van Middelaar strik<strong>in</strong>gly refers to as ‘<strong>the</strong><br />

false choice between “charg<strong>in</strong>g ahead” or “putt<strong>in</strong>g on <strong>the</strong> brakes”, between<br />

<strong>the</strong> bright Euro-mantra of more power for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Parliament and<br />

Commission as an eu government, and on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand <strong>the</strong> Eurosceptic<br />

hope <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> national parliaments that <strong>the</strong>y will be able to unleash a<br />

centrifugal force directed aga<strong>in</strong>st Brussels.’ (Van Middelaar 2004). In short,<br />

Dutch politicians have to date failed to adequately recognise that <strong>the</strong><br />

national political arena def<strong>in</strong>itely can and must offer legitimis<strong>in</strong>g channels<br />

for Brussels. They have also proven to be <strong>in</strong>capable of fill<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> vacuum<br />

between <strong>the</strong>se extremes with creative alternative images, let alone with<br />

mean<strong>in</strong>gful substantive debates (Crum 2007a; Schmidt 2006).<br />

<strong>Europe</strong>an co-operation for civil society organisations is also just as much<br />

a speciality reserved for a small number of <strong>in</strong>dividuals or a department<br />

with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> organisation, ra<strong>the</strong>r than be<strong>in</strong>g a dimension of <strong>the</strong>ir regular<br />

activities. While it is true that <strong>the</strong> Confederation of Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands Industry<br />

and Employers, <strong>the</strong> vno-ncw, and <strong>the</strong> small-bus<strong>in</strong>ess federation, <strong>the</strong><br />

mkb-Nederland, are highly ‘<strong>Europe</strong>anised’ and organised at <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an<br />

level, most civil society organisations prefer to operate at a national or local<br />

level and prefer direct action to <strong>the</strong> abstraction of represent<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>terests at<br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an level, a role which is ultimately fulfilled by umbrella organisations.<br />

Despite <strong>the</strong> great efforts of a handful of ‘professionals’, civil society<br />

organisations have played virtually no significant role <strong>in</strong> gett<strong>in</strong>g citizens<br />

<strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> issues such as <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>troduction of <strong>the</strong> euro (Engelen 2007),<br />

or <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> referendum campaign for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an Constitutional Treaty<br />

(2007b). The decision mak<strong>in</strong>g process on <strong>the</strong> Services Directive was<br />

<strong>in</strong>itially also seen as a more or less exclusively technical adm<strong>in</strong>istrative<br />

matter <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands. The Directive was seen above all as a necessary<br />

and unavoidable result of <strong>the</strong> Treaty agreements govern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> free movement<br />

of services. It was only because France opened up <strong>the</strong> debate on <strong>the</strong><br />

draft Directive and even opposed it based on <strong>the</strong> political and social impact

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