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Rediscovering Europe in the Netherlands - St Antony's College ...

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diagnosis<br />

2.3.2 <strong>the</strong> traditional legitimisation method under pressure<br />

End of <strong>the</strong> permissive consensus<br />

For a long time, <strong>the</strong> ‘permissive consensus’ of a majority of Western <strong>Europe</strong>ans<br />

with respect to <strong>the</strong> positive results of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>in</strong>tegration<br />

process and <strong>the</strong> active <strong>in</strong>volvement of this small elite circle matched <strong>the</strong><br />

observations of neo-functionalists like Ernst Haas and <strong>in</strong>tergovernmentalists<br />

like Andrew Moravcsik. They claimed that <strong>the</strong> elite representatives<br />

of functional and sectoral <strong>in</strong>terest groups were <strong>the</strong> driv<strong>in</strong>g forces beh<strong>in</strong>d<br />

<strong>the</strong> process of <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>in</strong>tegration. Their ‘elite perspective’ is based on<br />

three assumptions:<br />

1. The <strong>Europe</strong>an public has such a superficial vision of <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>in</strong>tegration<br />

that this does not provide a stable <strong>in</strong>centive structure for political<br />

parties to take a position on <strong>Europe</strong>an issues;<br />

2. For most <strong>Europe</strong>an citizens, <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>in</strong>tegration is of virtually no<br />

<strong>in</strong>terest. What <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>the</strong>re is, is restricted to bus<strong>in</strong>ess, farmer and<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r functional groups;<br />

3. <strong>Europe</strong>an issues are by def<strong>in</strong>ition unique and ‘sui generis’. As a result,<br />

<strong>the</strong>y are not connected with <strong>the</strong> basic conflicts that dom<strong>in</strong>ate normal<br />

adversarial political life <strong>in</strong> Western democracies.<br />

51<br />

In contrast to <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>tergovernmentalists, <strong>the</strong> neo-functionalists predicted<br />

that this one-sided <strong>in</strong>volvement of <strong>the</strong> elites <strong>in</strong> <strong>Europe</strong> would be only<br />

temporary. Ultimately a process of politicisation would emerge, which<br />

would draw <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an public <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Europe</strong>an political arena.<br />

Thanks to <strong>the</strong> positive results of <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>in</strong>tegration, that public<br />

would also <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly beg<strong>in</strong> to identify with <strong>the</strong> eu (Hooghe and Marks<br />

2005a).<br />

Experience s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> early 1990s, however, suggest that <strong>the</strong> traditional<br />

method of output legitimisation has come under <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g pressure.<br />

At <strong>the</strong> same time, it has become clear that <strong>the</strong> assumptions of <strong>the</strong> ‘elite<br />

perspective’ are also no longer tenable. In accordance with <strong>the</strong> predictions<br />

of <strong>the</strong> neo-functionalists, <strong>the</strong>re has <strong>in</strong>deed been a rapid politicisation<br />

of key <strong>Europe</strong>an issues, but this has by no means led to unambiguous support<br />

for and identification with <strong>the</strong> eu by <strong>the</strong> citizens of <strong>Europe</strong>. On <strong>the</strong><br />

contrary, op<strong>in</strong>ion polls carried out for Eurobarometer surveys suggest<br />

that support for eu membership and confidence <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> benefits of eu membership<br />

have decl<strong>in</strong>ed among <strong>the</strong> citizens of eu member states s<strong>in</strong>ce 1992<br />

(see graph 2.1). Although <strong>the</strong>re are differences <strong>in</strong> levels of support between<br />

<strong>the</strong> eu member states (cpb and scp 2007: 9). How can this change be<br />

expla<strong>in</strong>ed?

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