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Rediscovering Europe in the Netherlands - St Antony's College ...

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ediscover<strong>in</strong>g europe <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> ne<strong>the</strong>rlands<br />

emphasised. As a result, <strong>the</strong> debate about eu policy is ma<strong>in</strong>ly framed <strong>in</strong><br />

terms of ‘more’ or ‘less’ <strong>Europe</strong>. This re<strong>in</strong>forces <strong>the</strong> impression of a <strong>Europe</strong><br />

obsessed by rules and provides a breed<strong>in</strong>g ground for distrust among <strong>the</strong><br />

public. As chapter 2 has already showed, a one-sided approach that is<br />

limited to <strong>the</strong> question of ‘more’ or ‘less’ <strong>Europe</strong> too often plays a central<br />

role <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> national political debate on <strong>Europe</strong>, while <strong>the</strong> debate on <strong>the</strong><br />

substantive merits of <strong>Europe</strong>an proposals is often ignored (Pelkmans<br />

2005). It is for this reason that <strong>the</strong> wrr has called for <strong>the</strong> establishment of a<br />

prioritisation committee (see chapter 3).<br />

Secondly, <strong>the</strong> Subsidiarity Committee is itself likely to become part of <strong>the</strong><br />

‘technocratic cocoon’, as it is somewhat hidden away <strong>in</strong> Parliament. Moreover,<br />

<strong>the</strong> Committee has already rejected a number of new eu policy<br />

proposals, but <strong>the</strong>re is still no sign that <strong>the</strong> Committee’s activities are<br />

hav<strong>in</strong>g much impact on <strong>the</strong> media or <strong>the</strong> public.<br />

96<br />

However, subsidiarity test<strong>in</strong>g is extremely convenient for politicians who<br />

want to stress <strong>the</strong> ‘us’ versus ‘<strong>the</strong>m’ approach. Subsidiarity test<strong>in</strong>g, on <strong>the</strong><br />

one hand, can thus be an important tool for protect<strong>in</strong>g national <strong>in</strong>terests.<br />

However, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, it can offer a platform for politicians to<br />

promote a common approach to problems concern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> environment<br />

(e.g., reduc<strong>in</strong>g co2 emissions), security (e.g., human traffick<strong>in</strong>g) and <strong>the</strong><br />

secur<strong>in</strong>g of energy supplies. Employ<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> subsidiarity pr<strong>in</strong>ciple as an<br />

<strong>in</strong>strument to erect a barricade aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>Europe</strong>an <strong>in</strong>terference would thus<br />

be wrong; it may just as well end up lead<strong>in</strong>g to exactly <strong>the</strong> opposite effect,<br />

namely a more comprehensive role for <strong>the</strong> eu.<br />

The Subsidiarity Committee thus has some potential for contribut<strong>in</strong>g to<br />

new forms of representation and accountability (by b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> actions of<br />

m<strong>in</strong>isters to <strong>the</strong> op<strong>in</strong>ions of <strong>the</strong> Committee). It may also offer opportunities<br />

for allow<strong>in</strong>g a better match between Dutch preferences and substantive<br />

eu policy to emerge. Much depends, however, on <strong>the</strong> remittance and<br />

actual function<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong> Subsidiarity Committee. Surely, <strong>the</strong> visibility of<br />

its activities deserves attention, but <strong>the</strong> primary requirement – if it is to<br />

make a real contribution to <strong>the</strong> legitimisation of eu policy <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands<br />

– is that <strong>the</strong> Committee goes beyond its one-sided mandate (i.e., <strong>the</strong><br />

question of ‘<strong>Europe</strong>an or national policy’). The recommendation of <strong>the</strong><br />

wrr for <strong>the</strong> transformation of <strong>the</strong> Committee <strong>in</strong>to a ‘prioritisation<br />

committee’ is based on this premise (see chapter 3).<br />

Red l<strong>in</strong>es<br />

The substantive debate has def<strong>in</strong>itely been <strong>the</strong> central focus <strong>in</strong> a second<br />

type of political safeguards, known as ‘red l<strong>in</strong>es’. These are boundaries or

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