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The Scope and Implications of a Tracing Mechanism for Small Arms ...

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193<br />

A further question concerns whether or not it would be appropriate to<br />

use the Vienna Protocol as a foundation on which to establish the globally<br />

applicable <strong>and</strong> effective mechanism we are seeking. <strong>The</strong> Vienna Protocol<br />

has the advantage <strong>of</strong> being a legally-binding mechanism that is global in<br />

scope. Moreover, being the result <strong>of</strong> lengthy international negotiations, it is<br />

an undeniably valuable source <strong>for</strong> comparing the different points <strong>of</strong> view<br />

surrounding this issue. However, the Protocol was drafted according to a<br />

different philosophy than that <strong>of</strong> the UN Programme <strong>of</strong> Action. <strong>The</strong><br />

Protocol’s aim is exclusively to fight transnational organized crime, while<br />

the Programme <strong>of</strong> Action has a much wider scope that also encompasses<br />

arms control <strong>and</strong> disarmament. <strong>The</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> amending the Protocol to build<br />

a binding instrument with a wider objective seems impracticable, given that<br />

this Protocol is supplementary to a Convention that is itself the result <strong>of</strong><br />

other negotiations that have given rise to two additional protocols. 57 It<br />

there<strong>for</strong>e remains to be seen whether the Vienna Protocol could serve as a<br />

basis <strong>for</strong> the drafting <strong>of</strong> a different <strong>and</strong> more ambitious mechanism.<br />

In this case, there is a danger that the new mechanism would probably<br />

be negotiated by the same national representatives who negotiated the<br />

Vienna Protocol. Since they mainly come from “law <strong>and</strong> order” circles, one<br />

may question whether they would be sufficiently attentive to the objectives<br />

<strong>of</strong> “disarmament <strong>and</strong> arms control” set <strong>for</strong>th in the UN Programme <strong>of</strong><br />

Action. <strong>The</strong> fact that the same kind <strong>of</strong> difficulties were encountered during<br />

the negotiation <strong>of</strong> this Programme <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> previous discussions 58 suggests<br />

that there is a good chance that they may not be. In addition, this<br />

community <strong>of</strong> negotiators <strong>of</strong> the Vienna Protocol may not be sufficiently<br />

open to the advances that are necessary <strong>for</strong> attaining an efficient<br />

international tracing system—particularly in the areas <strong>of</strong> registration,<br />

in<strong>for</strong>mation exchange <strong>and</strong> scope (ammunition <strong>and</strong> explosives are not<br />

covered, <strong>and</strong> State-to-State transfers only partially so).<br />

Let us end with two technical aspects that are useful to keep in mind.<br />

First <strong>of</strong> all, a Convention may very well contain a reservation clause <strong>for</strong><br />

certain articles that are considered by a minority <strong>of</strong> States as being too<br />

ambitious, <strong>and</strong> that are less fundamental. In other words, the States are<br />

given the possibility to ratify the Convention, but at the same time to opt<br />

out (either definitively or <strong>for</strong> a certain period <strong>of</strong> time) <strong>of</strong> a certain article <strong>for</strong><br />

which this option has been explicitly <strong>for</strong>eseen. This allows certain provisions<br />

to be retained that would otherwise be eliminated outright. At the same<br />

time, however, it is important that such an option not be misused, because

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