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Collectivism after Modernism - autonomous learning - Blogs

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approach suited HRC, who felt restless in the <strong>after</strong>math of the tumultuous<br />

Anpo ’60 struggle, as Japanese society became increasingly content in everyday<br />

life. The group’s name, which derived from the Wrst characters of the<br />

three members’ family names—taka (hi) + aka (red) + naka (center)—could<br />

be more than coincidental, hinting at their left-leaning mindset.<br />

Another mockingly “ofWcial” feature was discursive in nature,<br />

found in their Xyer, which functioned as a call for participation to interested<br />

colleagues, with the obligatory information outlined concerning where and<br />

when to meet and what to bring. Issued by the campaign’s (imaginary) organizer,<br />

“Metropolitan Environment Hygiene Execution Committee,” it duly<br />

listed an impressive roster of cosponsors, both real and Wctional, possible and<br />

improbable. The total of twenty-one organizations are, in order of listing:<br />

Tokyo Metropolitan Cleansing Projects Department<br />

Anti-Pollution Countermeasure Headquarters<br />

Sightseeing [Art] Research Institute*<br />

National Federation of Shopping Streets<br />

Youth Division of Ginza One-Thousand-Store Society<br />

Rear-End Society<br />

Imperial Palace Cleaning Volunteers<br />

National Full-of-Flowers Campaign<br />

Housewives’ Federation<br />

Chuo-Ward Satsuki Women’s Society<br />

Voice of Young Japan<br />

Anti–Youth Delinquency Committee<br />

Jiritsu (“Independent”) School Lecturers’ Group*<br />

Taimei Elementary School PTA<br />

Magazine Kikan (“Organ”) Editorial Department*<br />

Japan Yomiuri Newspaper Company<br />

Small-Kindness Campaign<br />

Tokyo’s Olympics Organizing Committee<br />

Fluxus Japanese Section*<br />

Group Ongaku*<br />

Hi Red Center*<br />

After the “Descent to the Everyday” 55<br />

The list pokes fun at the way many social programs and events were—and<br />

still are—organized and promoted in Japan, which bespeaks the ingrained<br />

collectivism in Japanese society as a whole. It should be noted HRC’s abiding<br />

concern with the local context is in sharp relief to its international fame.<br />

Cleaning Event in particular has been frequently performed by the members<br />

of Fluxus outside Japan, but this discursive portion and the social commentary<br />

relevant in Tokyo in 1964 have been lost in these restaging efforts.<br />

Among the collectives discussed in this chapter, only Gutai, thanks to its<br />

leader Yoshihara’s vision (as well as Wnance), consciously exercised internationalism.<br />

HRC’s membership in Fluxus was not its own doing, but resulted

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