Collectivism after Modernism - autonomous learning - Blogs
Collectivism after Modernism - autonomous learning - Blogs
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Performing Revolution 129<br />
from within the Revolution, that we could do things with the State, with<br />
the government.” 86 Nonetheless, Arte Calle got into more hot water politically<br />
than Grupo Provisional largely because, unlike Provisional, they broke<br />
the art institution’s intellectual and spatial membrane. This was the line that<br />
could not be crossed with impunity, and the severe ofWcial reaction seems<br />
to have been incited by the artists’ entry not only into public space but also<br />
into public concerns: as the Juventud Rebelde review said, “But when the matter<br />
becomes known throughout the community, then, that is a problem.” 87<br />
Strangely, although both Novoa and Cárdenas, individually, were<br />
producing works that were sharply critical of the regime’s XimXammery, pomposity,<br />
and ossiWcation, their work as Grupo Provisional limited itself to<br />
existence within the art system and critique of it. Nonetheless, Grupo Provisional’s<br />
overall vision, echoed by Arte Calle in its “Tachado” phase, was<br />
perhaps the more radical element, in framing the critique that the artists were<br />
engaged in as something societal rather than linked to the limited scope of<br />
artistic identity. This generational unity was eventually made explicit in two<br />
projects (one realized, the other thwarted), leaving no further doubt about<br />
the scope of dissatisfaction and the consequences of its articulation.<br />
During these years the relationships between the artists, state<br />
control, and the Havana public were in continual negotiation and Xux. The<br />
artists became more and more aggressive and they attracted more and more<br />
notice, for better and for worse, converting art into a popular voice for<br />
social and political criticism. A special charisma accrued to these bands of<br />
youngsters, a fact that probably made them seem to be even more of a threat<br />
(the “Grand Monologue” of Cuban state power being, as Desiderio Navarro<br />
has noted, “paradoxically anti-charismatic in the sphere of art and charismatic<br />
in the political sphere”). 88 For the artists this evolved as something<br />
“natural, intuitive,” the logical continuation of Volumen Uno’s most precious<br />
legacy: an art “free of any concessions or complexes.” Nonetheless the<br />
galvanizing effect of the artists also served a useful purpose for the state,<br />
an “escape valve” that released some of the pressure of popular discontent.<br />
According to Novoa, “there was a tolerance for all that on the part of the<br />
state. A tolerance that seemed perfect, but that had very well-deWned limits.<br />
Within those limits everything could happen and appear, but you couldn’t<br />
go beyond those limits. And that created an impulse, and the people kept<br />
coming closer [to the limit] each time. The artists became more clever, more<br />
ingenious at creating a work that would not exceed the limits, but at the same<br />
time would provide a strong discourse and would try to make it.” 89<br />
Paramount among those “clear limits” were a couple of prohibitions:<br />
no images of Fidel, and no transgression from art into politics (the<br />
old form-and-content problem). Alongside the escalating artistic challenges