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Collectivism after Modernism - autonomous learning - Blogs

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The Mexican Pentagon 177<br />

Ehrenberg asked, had the Biennale invited a resident of Uruguay, a country<br />

governed by a military dictatorship, to oversee the Latin American selection?<br />

Was Kalenberg a puppet of Uruguay’s right-wing regime? Did he have<br />

the moral authority and political vision to make a representative selection of<br />

Latin American artists? Which Chilean artists would he select, Ehrenberg<br />

asked, “those who are acceptable to the military junta, those who live in<br />

exile, or both?” Ehrenberg closed his letter by accusing Kalenberg of being<br />

an agent of “the murderous government of Uruguay” and one who, to make<br />

matters worse, wrote in “a pompously ornate and pretentious language.” 21<br />

Ehrenberg’s letter made it back to Kalenberg, who responded with<br />

a polite—if ornate and slightly affected—missive reassuring the groups of his<br />

honest intentions, of his commitment to art, and of his unwavering support<br />

of their politically charged work (though he never revealed his stance toward<br />

Uruguay’s military government). 22<br />

Assuming the Mexicans had been appeased, Kalenberg went back<br />

to work on the catalog for the Latin American selection, for which he had<br />

grand ambitions. In a letter to Escobedo, he laid out his master plan: he<br />

would invite three distinguished intellectuals to write about the young artists<br />

included in the Biennale: Jorge Luis Borges from Argentina, Octavio Paz from<br />

Mexico, and Severo Sarduy from Cuba. It is easy to see what led Kalenberg<br />

to these three names: Borges was the most widely translated Latin American<br />

writer; Paz had written about Breton and Duchamp and was well respected<br />

in France; and Sarduy, a poet, novelist, and painter much admired by Roland<br />

Barthes, lived in Paris and was the only Latin-American member of the Tel<br />

Quel group. 23<br />

Kalenberg’s plan was brilliant, though quite unrealistic. Who can<br />

imagine Borges—arcane bibliophile, explorer of logical fallacies, and lover<br />

of obscure philosophical systems—agreeing to write a text on Proceso Pentágono’s<br />

staged kidnappings in Mexico City? Or Paz—Mexico’s most reWned<br />

modernist—analyzing a rat-infested maquette? Even Sarduy, who was much<br />

younger than Paz or Borges, had an artistic sensibility—he loved abstract art<br />

and action painting and named one of his novels <strong>after</strong> the CoBrA group—<br />

that would have been at odds with the Mexican projects.<br />

When Proceso Pentágono heard about Kalenberg’s plan for the<br />

catalog, their suspicions intensiWed. The group members immediately recognized<br />

a thread linking the three famous writers to Kalenberg’s politics: at<br />

a time when Latin American intellectuals were deeply and bitterly divided<br />

over Cuba, Borges, Paz, and Sarduy were not among Castro’s supporters.<br />

Borges, who was frail and old, never cared much about Cuban politics and<br />

failed to be seduced by Castro’s charismatic personality; Paz, who like many<br />

Latin American intellectuals had initially supported the Cuban revolution,

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