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Collectivism after Modernism - autonomous learning - Blogs

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Performing Revolution 141<br />

in which the general level of dissatisfaction with the revolution was sharpened<br />

by poverty and remoteness, and its threat of stirring up local sentiment<br />

was probably among the reasons why it was eventually blocked.<br />

The question of “the public” has dogged much progressive art of the twentieth<br />

century, in which the aim to engage broadly with the concerns and<br />

realities of people excluded by the high borders of high culture has mostly<br />

proven elusive. In Cuba, while the overall dilemma is shared, the speciWc<br />

contours of the situation are distinct.<br />

The idea of an expanded public audience for art is coextensive<br />

with a vision of assimilating artistic practice into social practice, and of art<br />

as integrated into and integral to the emancipatory project of the revolution.<br />

However, Cuban cultural policy has been riddled with contradictions, notably<br />

that it has left bourgeois ideas of high culture intact and dominant (for<br />

example, the national ballet is one of the country’s premier cultural institutions;<br />

the national museum showcases painting and sculpture, with almost<br />

no space devoted to the various more popular forms of visual creation on<br />

the island) and meanwhile banalized the interpretation and participation of<br />

“the masses” according to directives that coincide with the ideological formulations<br />

of the state. This “reductivist, paternalistic and demagogic use of<br />

the concept and image of ‘the people’ and its applications in the cultural Weld<br />

(‘art for the people,’ ‘elitist art,’ ‘popular taste,’ ‘popular sensibility,’ etc.)” 130<br />

meant that the populist agendas of the young artists were in direct conXict<br />

with the cultural “massiWcation” programs of Cuban state socialism. Moreover,<br />

unlike in capitalist countries, in Cuba the ranks of artists and other<br />

intellectuals have been Wlled by people who are, “by origin, formation and<br />

vocation, an essential part of Cuban society,” 131 which makes the social segregation<br />

of high culture an even more twisted topography, since popular participation<br />

for the artists was a matter of reaching across rather than down.<br />

(Nonetheless, ideas of an artistic avant-garde and other formulations that<br />

place artists at some remove from the general population have persisted in<br />

Cuba, alongside socialist ethics: even Arte Calle, the most explicitly interactive<br />

and populist of the groups, worked more with an eye toward destabilizing<br />

the habitual than fomenting real dialogue. 132 This is an interesting<br />

paradox: the same group that aspired to radical socialism conceived of their<br />

participation in that process as one in which they were not exactly part of<br />

the social body, but rather a kind of outside irritant.)<br />

The signiWcant gap between what the revolution extolled and<br />

what it administered as cultural policy was catalytic: many artists felt passionately<br />

about the possibility of being part of building a truly integrated, revolutionary<br />

culture, “demystiWed and desanctiWed” not in order to be recruited

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