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Collectivism after Modernism - autonomous learning - Blogs

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234 Okwui Enwezor<br />

ethical-juridical territory of power relations, namely, between the recognition<br />

of the given fact of natural rights and that right regulated and legitimized<br />

by the law: here the individual is “subjectiWed in a power relationship.” 24<br />

The idea of the sovereign subject as it concerns Africa is important<br />

if we are to rethink questions of authenticity in cultural practice. I want<br />

to do so by turning to the position of the artist as producer in a time of<br />

crisis, 25 the crisis of the postcolonial state. 26 There is also the crisis of development<br />

discourse that has been the bedrock of the democratization and liberalization<br />

of the postcolonial state and economies since the 1960s. Here it<br />

is important to note that the postcolonial state has been exacerbated in the<br />

last two decades by the brutal macroeconomic Structural Adjustment Program<br />

(SAP) policies of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund<br />

(IMF) during the 1980s and 1990s. Though there are disputes among experts<br />

about the actual causes of the kind of congenital underdevelopment we see<br />

today in Africa, it is generally agreed that SAP deepened the crisis and weakened<br />

the capacity of the state to manage and respond effectively to its<br />

effects. SAP put into place the inability of a host of African subjects to<br />

properly conceptualize and formulate their own futures, that is, to speak as<br />

true social subjects. All through Africa, institutions and citizens are vulnerable<br />

to the rapacious calumny of the industrial forces of economic and political<br />

rationalization. Rather than reform as was promised, the shock of the<br />

experiment at liberalization produced stagnation, structural atrophy, collapsed<br />

economies, deep poverty, failed institutions, and loss of state autonomy<br />

from donor institutions and markets. Liberal reform of the economy (devaluation<br />

of currencies, the imposition of austerity measures, privatization of<br />

state assets) set in motion a deepening crisis and further underdevelopment<br />

and dependency. Only recently have liberal economists, the World Bank,<br />

and IMF begun to acknowledge the failure of these economic shock therapies.<br />

27 As a test case the neoliberal ideology of free market capitalism not<br />

only failed in Africa, it also produced a wave of disenchantment, instability,<br />

and erosion of social networks.<br />

If as Foucault claims “the theory of sovereignty assumes from the<br />

outset the existence of a multiplicity of powers . . . [imagined as] capacities,<br />

possibilities, potentials,” 28 the grim assessment of the postcolonial state and<br />

the postcolonial subject within the developmental discourse of neoliberal<br />

market ideology introduces a series of antinomies. But here we need a critique<br />

of crisis as always the logical outcome of the neocolonial transformation<br />

of the modern African state. Indeed, crisis not only situates the subject,<br />

it mortiWes the subject. The chief and primary effect of this is traumatic.<br />

This trauma compels a complete rethinking, if not necessarily the overhaul,<br />

of the forms, strategies, and techniques of everyday existence as well as the

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