Collectivism after Modernism - autonomous learning - Blogs
Collectivism after Modernism - autonomous learning - Blogs
Collectivism after Modernism - autonomous learning - Blogs
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234 Okwui Enwezor<br />
ethical-juridical territory of power relations, namely, between the recognition<br />
of the given fact of natural rights and that right regulated and legitimized<br />
by the law: here the individual is “subjectiWed in a power relationship.” 24<br />
The idea of the sovereign subject as it concerns Africa is important<br />
if we are to rethink questions of authenticity in cultural practice. I want<br />
to do so by turning to the position of the artist as producer in a time of<br />
crisis, 25 the crisis of the postcolonial state. 26 There is also the crisis of development<br />
discourse that has been the bedrock of the democratization and liberalization<br />
of the postcolonial state and economies since the 1960s. Here it<br />
is important to note that the postcolonial state has been exacerbated in the<br />
last two decades by the brutal macroeconomic Structural Adjustment Program<br />
(SAP) policies of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund<br />
(IMF) during the 1980s and 1990s. Though there are disputes among experts<br />
about the actual causes of the kind of congenital underdevelopment we see<br />
today in Africa, it is generally agreed that SAP deepened the crisis and weakened<br />
the capacity of the state to manage and respond effectively to its<br />
effects. SAP put into place the inability of a host of African subjects to<br />
properly conceptualize and formulate their own futures, that is, to speak as<br />
true social subjects. All through Africa, institutions and citizens are vulnerable<br />
to the rapacious calumny of the industrial forces of economic and political<br />
rationalization. Rather than reform as was promised, the shock of the<br />
experiment at liberalization produced stagnation, structural atrophy, collapsed<br />
economies, deep poverty, failed institutions, and loss of state autonomy<br />
from donor institutions and markets. Liberal reform of the economy (devaluation<br />
of currencies, the imposition of austerity measures, privatization of<br />
state assets) set in motion a deepening crisis and further underdevelopment<br />
and dependency. Only recently have liberal economists, the World Bank,<br />
and IMF begun to acknowledge the failure of these economic shock therapies.<br />
27 As a test case the neoliberal ideology of free market capitalism not<br />
only failed in Africa, it also produced a wave of disenchantment, instability,<br />
and erosion of social networks.<br />
If as Foucault claims “the theory of sovereignty assumes from the<br />
outset the existence of a multiplicity of powers . . . [imagined as] capacities,<br />
possibilities, potentials,” 28 the grim assessment of the postcolonial state and<br />
the postcolonial subject within the developmental discourse of neoliberal<br />
market ideology introduces a series of antinomies. But here we need a critique<br />
of crisis as always the logical outcome of the neocolonial transformation<br />
of the modern African state. Indeed, crisis not only situates the subject,<br />
it mortiWes the subject. The chief and primary effect of this is traumatic.<br />
This trauma compels a complete rethinking, if not necessarily the overhaul,<br />
of the forms, strategies, and techniques of everyday existence as well as the