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Collectivism after Modernism - autonomous learning - Blogs

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(mumei-sei), to borrow Akasegawa’s term, making HRC the last in the line<br />

of Anti-Art collectivism. 33<br />

POST-HRC COLLECTIVES<br />

After the “Descent to the Everyday” 57<br />

The end of Anti-Art was signaled by the termination of the “Yomiuri Independent<br />

Exhibition”—the hotbed of Anti-Art—which was announced in<br />

early 1964. In retrospect, as more artists and collectives sought to “descend<br />

to everyday life” and explore “action” (koi) in their work, the “Yomiuri Independent”<br />

was perhaps beginning to lose its importance, if not its relevance,<br />

altogether. Conversely, its demise likely accelerated the departure from the<br />

institutional conWnes. There<strong>after</strong> the idea of action and collaboration more<br />

explicitly informed collectivism in various manners.<br />

Akasegawa Genpei <strong>after</strong> HRC<br />

Theoretically, Model 1,000-Yen Note Incident (1963–74) hammered the last<br />

nail in the cofWn of Anti-Art, with the artists themselves declaring that<br />

Anti-Art was indeed Art. From the birth of a “nameless” existence that was<br />

the facsimile 1,000-yen note fabricated for Akasegawa Genpei in 1963 to the<br />

criminal investigation and trial of the artist for currency fraud to its <strong>after</strong>math,<br />

the entire course of events unexpectedly became a gigantic collective<br />

project. The artist’s money work followed a curious path of fate. Outside his<br />

intention or control, the facsimile money accidentally attracted the attention<br />

of the police, who were investigating a genuine and thorny counterfeit<br />

problem. Once inserted in the real-life space, his money work—in one theory—fell<br />

victim to the state’s mid-decade preparation for the coming Anpo<br />

’70 struggle, and its creator was brought to the court of law as a “thought<br />

pervert” (shiso-teki henshitsusha), a contemporary law-enforcement label reminiscent<br />

of the wartime “thought criminal.” In a country where the interest<br />

of public welfare and social trust must always and unequivocally override<br />

constitutional rights, Akasegawa was found guilty in 1967, with his verdict<br />

upheld by the Supreme Court in 1970. 34<br />

In the investigation phase, when Asahi Newspaper, a national daily,<br />

erroneously linked Akasegawa to the major ongoing counterfeit case in 1964,<br />

HRC published the satirical Eyedrop Special Bulletin and took other “direct<br />

actions” against the newspaper company. When he was indicted in 1965, his<br />

colleagues gathered to form the 1,000-Yen-Note Incident Discussion Group<br />

(Sen-en-satsu Jiken Kondankai), or Senkon in short, which became an important<br />

agent of the Incident. In support of Akasegawa’s legal battle, Senkon<br />

was responsible for aiding in his defense, publishing newsletters, and holding<br />

public meetings and fund-raising events. SigniWcantly, the credit should

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