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Jan Palmowski<br />

Apart from influencing the frame of mind of so many Victorian travelers,<br />

Ruskin’s engagement with tourists in northern Italy was formalized through his<br />

involvement with the revision of Murray’s Handbook to Northern Italy. Its first<br />

edition, written by the eminent classical scholar, Francis Palgrave, had caused<br />

much controversy upon publication in 1842. Ruskin took a leading part in criticizing<br />

the work for the unusual subjectiveness in its judgment and its evaluation of<br />

classical and Renaissance art. In response to this barrage of criticism, the handbook<br />

was revised thoroughly for its second edition, which was published in 1847. To<br />

this edition, Ruskin made a number of contributions himself, mainly on works of<br />

art in Florence and Pisa. 51<br />

It would be beyond the scope of this chapter to examine further the irony of<br />

tourists “doing” Ruskin’s Venice in a day, or the contradictions of Ruskin’s<br />

contribution to the Murray, on the one hand, and his loathing both of the guidebook<br />

and the kinds of tourists it encouraged, on the other. 52 Murray’s guidebook and<br />

Ruskin shared the intent to direct the appreciation of their readers towards<br />

particular objects and buildings, but in doing so they followed completely different<br />

agendas, the former encouraging general impressions, the latter directing particular<br />

views. 53 Ruskin did not just try to correct popular impressions created by the<br />

Murray, but in 1875–7 he even created his own, “alternative” guidebook. Mornings<br />

in Florence, a cheap, popular guidebook sold in six separate parts at 10 pence each,<br />

with each booklet providing a tour for a day through Florence: 3,000 copies of<br />

each part were sold by 1881, when another 3,000 copies each were printed. 54 Yet,<br />

in his very engagement with Murray and the middle-class traveler, Ruskin was<br />

fighting a losing battle. Whether written by Ruskin or by Murray, the guidebook<br />

helped to turn its own romantic notions of travel into a travesty. Miss Jemima’s<br />

appreciation of the sunrise from the Rigi Culm was directed by her Murray’s<br />

extensive description of the view and its importance. Yet, if in Byron’s day in 1816<br />

these impressions were enjoyed by 294 guests who had signed the visitors’ book<br />

of the Rigi Culm’s first Inn, by 1870, 40,000 annual visitors graced its peak. In<br />

1874, following the completion of the railway line to the top of the mountain, that<br />

number had exploded to over 104,000 visitors. 55 The sunrise may still have been<br />

sublime, but its experience was no longer solitary.<br />

What deserves to be borne in mind is the sheer numbers affected by the images<br />

communicated through the guidebook. In addition to its influence through Ball’s<br />

and Gaze’s guides, Murray’s Handbook to Switzerland sold 44,250 copies between<br />

1838 and 1874. If one assumes that the average size of each traveling party<br />

consisted of four people who shared one handbook, the Murray had been used by<br />

almost 200,000 British middle-class travelers to Switzerland alone. 56 In the 1860s,<br />

organizers such as Cook and Gaze brought Switzerland and northern Italy within<br />

reach of sections of the middle classes who would otherwise not have been able<br />

to travel thus far. Gaze’s efforts rewarded those able to dispense with ten guineas,<br />

114

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